p.49, Translated by Beni Warshawsky

Chapter Two

The Initial Struggles

A. The Jagiello Election

The thirty year history of Haynt can be divided into three clear periods: its founding until WWI; the years of WWI; and the period between the two World Wars, the time of Polish independence.

In its first period Haynt laid the foundation for the modern Yiddish newspaper and established contact with the masses. The format of the newspaper was changed and new sections were introduced which were up until then neglected or were entirely unknown to the Yiddish and Hebrew newspaper readers. A lot of space was allocated to news from near and far, Warsaw and provincial news, and news from distant Jewish communities. Everything was written clearly, precisely and understandable to each and every reader. Yiddish writers and poets were made permanent staff and had their work printed in the "Haynt." The paper's ambition was to attain the position which reflected the general national consensus and making Haynt into an instrument in the struggle for Jewish national renaissance.

During WWI, Haynt passed through a crisis due to the generally difficult political and economic situation caused by the Tsarist military regime and later by the German occupation when the newspaper could not arrive at a proper editorial position to the problems that appeared at the time.

The third period and last period in the history of Haynt was a time of ascent. During the twenty years of Polish independence, Haynt reached the stage of having become an acknowledged commentator for Polish Jewry.

Haynt began publishing on Wednesday the 22nd of January 1908- the 19th of Shevat 5668. This was the period when Russia returned to a policy of repression and bloody pogroms. The Tsarist government was prepared to drown the followers of the Revolution of 1905 in a sea of blood and persecution.

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In 1906, the election for the first Russian Parliament, the Duma, took place.  To demonstrate the Polish national character of Congress Poland* and its capital city Warsaw, Jewish leaders decided not to put forward Jewish candidates in Warsaw. They informed the Polish Progressive election bloc of the decision and their motivation and promised to support their candidates. 

The National Democratic Party (Endeks) saw that this decision was a danger to their candidate. According to the election law Warsaw was to have two delegates to the Duma, of which, one was assured to be part of the Russian Civil Service Colony in the Polish capitol.  The Endeks feared that because of Jewish vote the candidate of the Progressive bloc would be elected and in their electoral campaign not only fought their Polish antagonist but very sharply attacked the Jews that supported him.  The election resulted in a loss for the Progressive candidate.  The Polish Progressives reacted in a characteristic fashion:  they shook off the support of their troublesome Jewish partners and started to conduct their own “Progressive anti-Semitism” a type of anti-Semitism with white gloves, but with black “Endek-style” goals and content.

The first Duma existed barely ten weeks.  The Second Duma was also not long lived. The Third was luckier and was active from the end of 1907 until June 1912. The Jews did not participate in the elections of the Second and Third Duma but the anti-Semitic propaganda in Congress Poland did not cease.  “Good Poles” were again called upon to help “liberate” the Polish soil from the “Jewish Flood.”  The “Kolo Polska” (the club of Polish Deputies) proposed in the Third Duma to limit Jewish electoral rights in Congress Poland, so that in the future Jews would not be able to influence the elections in “Kongresuwke.”  Deputy Wiktor Jaranski from Kielce in a poisonous speech supported

*        During the Congress of Vienna in 1815, after Napoleon’s disastrous defeat, Poland was partitioned between Russia, Austria, and Prussia.  The portion that was accorded Russia was officially called “Tsarstva Polskaya,” but in daily usage and also in the press “Privislyanski Kroy” (the land near the Vistula River.) The Poles officially called it “Polska Kongresowa” (Congress Poland) and “Kongresuwka” in daily usage. Jews called it “Kongres Poyln” (Congress Poland.)

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the proposition.

The election of the Fourth Duma occurred during an intensely stressful period for the Jews in Tsarist Russia.  The prevalent mood of pogrom and terror had the additional fuel of the Beilis Trial that the tsarist government organized like a monstrous ritual murder tribunal.  The anti-Semites in Congress Poland exploited the trial for their own purposes.  The incitement against the Jews in Poland assumed such extreme forms and became so deeply ingrained in the psyche of the Polish people, that even after, Mendel Beilis (1874-1934) was freed, the Endek press didn’t call a Jew anything other than Beilis.  Many years later, by now in Independent Poland, inflamed mobs still called the Jews “Beilisi” – Beilises.

When the time came for the election campaign Jewish national circles decided to enter their own Jewish candidate in Warsaw. Despite all the electoral dirty tricks, the system of indirect voting, and the limited* number of Jewish delegates, the Jewish community calculated that the Jews would become the majority of the “vibarshtchikes” and a Jewish candidate would have a chance to be elected to the Duma.

This very bold initiative came from a group of communal activists with the young Zionist leaders, in the forefront.  This was the first time that Polish Jews decided to conduct their own independent political campaign – entirely a new event not only for Jews but also for Poles.  This was a message from a new age in Jewish and in Polish – Jewish relations. Until then the Jewish Street was controlled by assimilated notables, bankers, large manufacturers, and parvenu professionals that were in partnership with the Hasidic courts.  They presented themselves to the Poles as the Jewish representatives and spoke in the name of the Jewish population.  They didn’t make any demands of their Polish masters nor did they achieve anything for the Jews.   The Polish leaders relied on the assimilationist –hasidic partnership to supply the votes of the “Ciemno Masa” the “Ignorant Mass” as they referred to the Jews with contempt. 

*        In the indirect election to the Duma the deputies were elected through small numbers of electors in each electoral district.  They were called “vibarshtchikes.” [translator’s note: from the Polish word -  wybierac; to elect] Haynt called them “Valmener.”

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During the electoral campaign to the Fourth Duma the Polish leadership didn’t even want to speak to the Nationalist  Jews, they were so sure that they would receive the Jewish vote, for their candidate, as in the elections for the first three Dumas.

The Polish candidate to the Duma from the city of Warsaw was the historian Jan Kucharzewski (1876-1952.)  One of the “Progressive” anti-Semites, Kucharzewski didn’t entirely hide his hateful opinion of the Jews.  He demanded the nationalization of trade and in his lengthy programmatic speech given at the election rally in the Warsaw Philharmonic he openly stated, when he will be elected, he would endeavor to have the Duma introduce new limitations on the Jews of Congress Poland.  The Endek election platform as formulated by their leader Roman Dmowski (1864-1939) was extremely anti-Semitic.  The main points were: the Jews have no rights: Jews were outside Polish society; citizenship was a privilege of the country’s masters; Jews were no more than guests and were undesired guests in Poland.  Jews had no need to conduct their own independent election campaign and needed only vote for the candidate, which the Poles, the owners and rulers of the country put forward. It did not matter that a candidate was not to the Jews’ liking.

In this state of affairs, a significant part of Jewish society felt that Jews needed run their own Jewish candidate. But the majority indicated that, for political reasons and for the sake of peace, the Polish capitol should not be without a Deputy who was a Pole.  The leadership wanted to find a Pole with positive attitudes to Jews but in the wild atmosphere of anti-Semitic electoral agitation it was entirely not an easy task to find in Warsaw a liberally minded Pole who was ready because of the Jews to break rank with the united Polish chauvinist front.  It took a long time almost until the eve of the election when they managed to find that in the person of Eugeniusz Jagello (1873-?).   He was an absolute unknown to the public, the only thing known about him was that he was a metal worker, a turner, a Socialist; however, not active in civic  affairs.

For the Haynt the election campaign to the Fourth Duma was the first opportunity to actively participate in a political campaign.  The newspaper carried out its role to perfection.  The  “Haynt’ ” was

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full of articles and local news, calling upon Jews to express their national pride and will to achieve equal rights for themselves.  The newspaper encouraged the readers not to fear the terror and to oppose the program of “Polish masters and Jewish guests.”  The Jewish election committee didn’t have enough money so the Haynt printed free of charge their election material and contributed funds to finance election activities.

In this poisonous atmosphere resulting from the long agitation against the Jews, the normal duty of citizenry to fulfill their obligation at the ballot box became an act of heroism.  The Jewish Electors were threatened with physical attacks and economic sanctions if they dared take part in election but they did not allow themselves to be intimidated.

Despite the propaganda, Jagello was elected, in fact, due to the Jewish vote.  The election was another expression of the paradoxical nature of Jewish history.  Jewish merchants, manufacturers, landlords and other such public representatives constituting the electoral college gave their votes to a socialist, a worker, and a Pole who had no connection to Jewish People.

The election of the fourth Duma caused a fissure in the history of Polish Jewry.  We will see further on in our narrative that these first Jewish independent political acts formed the basis for later Jewish politics in independent Poland.  All recognized, Jews and Poles alike, the role the Haynt played in the Jewish victory against the Endek attempt to officially make Jewish second class citizens.  The victory was carved deeply into the societal memory.  Sixteen years later, when the twentieth anniversary of Haynt was celebrated, Dr. Yosef Davidzon (1880-1947) one of the Jewish politicians, who in 1912 helped initiate and as chairman of the election committee conducted the independent Jewish electoral campaign in Warsaw, recalled the role that Haynt played during the election.  Excerpts of the article were printed in the Haynt Jubilee Book (1908-1928) and will be presented in the second half of the book.

The Haynt’s influence on Jewish public opinion, early on in its history, was demonstrated in the Kielce election district during the election of the fourth Duma.   Jews at that time did not play any role in general societal and

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certainly not in political life.  The Jewish communal activity which had already arisen in Warsaw barely reached the Jewish communities in the Polish provinces where the population, for the most part, were without the courage and desire for communal work.  But the youth here and there were already on the move.  When the time for the election campaign to the fourth Duma approached; a small group of people from Kielce took the initiative to activate the Jewish masses.

The Kielce Deputy to the third Duma was the previously mentioned Victor Jaranskiwho, as a provincial lawyer, did not find the money he made from his Jewish clients repugnant, but as a Polish Deputy in the Duma, he acquired a reputation for his anti-Semitic politics and speeches.  When his candidacy was again proposed to the fourth Duma, no one in the Polish camp imagined that the Jewish population would actively oppose this time and be an opposition not so easily defeated.  One of the organizers of the Jewish opposition to Jaranski’s candidacy was a young Zionist community activist, Shimon Dov Yerushalimski.  An article in Haynt’s Jubilee Book tells how the newspaper helped Kielce Jewry against the anti-Semitic Polish deputy.

The Jewish communal satisfaction resulting from the electoral victory was unfortunately disturbed when the Endeks attacked the Jews as an act of revenge for their defeat.  All of a sudden the world saw that the Endek king was without clothes and that the Endeks were not the rulers of the Polish capitol.  The Endeks felt politically threatened and with very few exceptions.  Barring of a group of ethical liberals, the attack against the Jews came from all directions.  The Endek party press called for a boycott against the Jews, driving the Jews out of trade, taking away the source of their income, throwing Jewish children out of school and marginalizing Jews from cultural life.  The actual intent of the campaign was to make room for their own petty bourgeoise class which the Endeks believed was the foundation of the country.     The slogan  Swoj do Swego po Swoje” (His own, to His own, for His [needs]) sprung up on billboards and flyers were distributed in front of churches.  It was like a flame that engulfed the Polish

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people.  Jews were guilty of all evil, Jews were the enemy, and boycotting the Jews was the solution to the problems of the Polish people.  With exceptional hatred, the campaign against the Litvaks [translator’s note: Jews from Lithuanian territories] was conducted, the Jews who settled in Congress Poland after the wave of pogroms in Russia in the 1880’s.  They knew the Russian market and helped develop trade between Congress Poland and Russia.  But the Endeks had very little interest in the economic benefit which the Jews contributed to Poland.  The Jews were enemies and the Litvaks were Russifiers and no more.

The agitation against the Haynt was a component of the general anti-Jewish campaign. Haynt was portrayed as a nest of Litvaks, the enemies of the Polish people, the very center of all dark machinations against the Polish cause.  There wasn’t a day that the Polish newspapers didn’t agitate against the Haynt with shrill articles and notices.  Printing translations which were disjointed and inconsistent with the Haynt’s original. The commentaries were fabrications, everything was interpreted as if the Haynt’s one and only intent was to annihilate Poles and destroy their country.  The great malicious irony was that a great portion of this “bit of work” was due to the meshumad*, Gershon Arenshteyn.  He wrote under the name Jerzy Arenshteyn-Arenski, who at that time, and for many years in independent Poland earned a good living writing in the Endek press’ distorted translations and poisonous false commentaries from the Haynt and from Yiddish newspapers in general.

Haynt of the period was full of material about the boycott.  Each day articles and reports were printed about boycott propaganda and regarding damages suffered by Jewish merchants and artisans in Warsaw and the provinces.  The newspaper called for opposing the boycott by avoiding Polish companies which supported the boycott and advertised in the Endek newspapers.   Jews were called upon to buy only from Jewish merchants and individuals.  Those who purchased from anti-Semitic firms were made known to the public and were marked as traitors. 

When the war broke out in the summer of 1914, the boycott became weaker but not for long and absolutely not for philo-Semitic reasons.  Under wartime conditions when there was a scarcity of products of all kinds, Poles were happy to buy from Jews where goods were

*        Jewish renegade convert to Christianity

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cheaper and everything was available.  But in the press the Jew-baiting agitation continued to be conducted with savage hostility and hatred.

B  The Struggle Against the Black and Red Assimilation

From its inception, Haynt fought assimilation and the assimilationist rule of the Jewish street.  Assimilation in Congress Poland during the period of the First World War and during the Occupation was principally spread by the Jewish haut-bourgeoisie but also there were many in leftist groups who fought against nationalist feelings and ideas among the Jewish masses.

For decades, until the establishment of the Polish state after the First World War, the Black assimilationists ruled and took upon themselves the right to speak in the name of the entire Jewish collective body in Congress Poland despite the fact the no one ever gave them that right.  The independent action of the Jewish nationalist elements during the election to the fourth Duma was entirely unexpected.

The Black assimilationists for the most part belonged to liberal progressive Polish groups but there was no lack of those who belonged to reactionary or conservative organizations.  They all denied that the Jews were a people and fought against every cultural and national Jewish initiative.  They referred to themselves as Poles of the Mosaic Belief.  Linguistic assimilation was not sufficient for them.  They wanted Jews to spiritually attach themselves to the Polish people and in fact be drowned in Polish culture.  Their own Judaism was reduced to distributing charity for certain Jewish needs (for various Polish purposes they gave comparatively more).  Yom Kippur eve they would remind themselves of their Mosaic belief and would come to Kol Nidre prayers in the synagogue at Klomacki Street dressed up in their majestic clothes and top hats.  Coachmen and lackeys and liveries with white gloves waited in carriages in front of the synagogue to drive them back from “nabozenstwo”(prayers)  to their affluent homes in the aristocratic quarters of Warsaw.  At every opportunity they found it necessary to demonstrate, often in a very servile manner, their ultra-patriotism.  During the election campaign

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to the fourth Duma they supported the Endek candidate.  Some took the final step and converted to Catholicism.  Especially prominent among the Black assimilationists among others the Nathanson family Ludvik (1821-1896)  Stanislaw (1857-1929), Kasimierz, and several other members; Michael Bergson (1831-1919), Professor Samuel Dicksteyn (1885-1954), Dr. Henrik Nussbaum (born 1849.)  Their spokesman was Stanislaw Kempner (born 1857), the editor of the newspaper Nowa Gazeta, which with not uncommon hatred, bitterly fought the slightest expression of national and cultural thought among Polish Jewry.  Their stronghold was the Gmina (Jewish communal administration] in Warsaw where they, together with the Hassidim, ruled the Jewish community without regard for any other opinions.

Haynt fought the assimilationist ideologically and in particular their bullying in the Gmina and its institutions.  The revelations regarding the corruption which they tolerated forced the Dazares (members of the community management committee) to defend themselves but practically nothing changed. When Poland first became free, when pogroms and boycotts became daily occurrences in the new state and foremost when Zionism and the battle for the rights of citizenship seized the broad Jewish masses, the assimilationists lost their power.  They were just expunged from Jewish public life and as a political factor, they left the arena.  In one of his feature articles A.M. Hartglas compared the remnants of the assimilationists to a fly, which one can sometimes see late in autumn on a window pane.  The fly is still moving but can barely crawl - until predicatively it drops dead.

The battle against the “Red” left assimiliationists was different.  They were concentrated in the Komi-farayn in Warsaw.  The organization of trade representatives from large companies.  The officials from the small firms were also found there.  Those in positions of power were various types of radicals:  socialists, social revolutionaries, anarchists, and later, the communists.  They conducted a two-faced political strategy.  As proletarians they were obligated to fight the capitalist exploiters.  But this entirely didn’t disrupt their partnership with the rich Jewish businessmen, the “bloodsuckers” of the Jewish masses, in spreading assimilation among the Jews.  The “Black” assimilationists pushed Jews to attach themselves to

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Polish tradition and culture and the “Red” assimilationists wanted the Jews to merge with the Polish proletariat and called the Zionists “counter-revolutionaries” who purposely misdirected the Jewish proletariat from the revolutionary battle against the capitalists.  Both the “Red” and “Black” sharply fought Zionism and the Zionist ideal that continually won more and more adherents among Polish Jewry. 

For many years, Haynt battled the “Red” assimilationists and their stronghold the Komi-farayn.  Haynt became the target of  attacks from the radicals and the newspaper didn’t remain silent.  As an example of the polemic we bring here an excerpt from the article in which A. Aynhorn responded to the Bundist writer David Zaslawski (1880 – 1965).  Zaslawski started out as a Bundist afterward went over to the Bolsheviks, became a Bundist again, and later returned to the Bolsheviks, went to Moscow and wrote articles for the Communist press.

In the article titled, “Meyerke from the Little Bund”* A. Aynhorn, among others, states “From time immemorial, heroism and boldness in the Jewish world was the monopoly of the Bund.  Not a single proclamation, nor a single page was distributed, wherein this monopoly was not paraded.  We, the heroes of the Jewish street, we the unstoppable fighters, we the martyrs for freedom.  Principally, we and just we, everyone else, especially the Zionists are slimy, servile people encompassing every possible evil.  The Bundists apparently were at ease with their song of praise to themselves.  It became second nature and whether they needed to or didn’t need to they would sing it in every key.  One would think that, to a degree, the war and the Russian Revolution would have allowed the Bundists to slightly moderate their weakness for boasting.  Heroism today is not a rare commodity but that is the power of inertia; particularly, at the Bund. Despite all its revolutionary idealism never stopped being deeply conservative regarding the evolution of the party’s principles. . . ‘dos lidl vos zingt zikh aleyn’… (translator’s note: The little song that sings itself [it’s that same old song]).

*        The “Little Bund” was composed of children’s groups which were organized around the Bund.

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Among Russian Jews, during this last period, voices have been heard warning that the Bolshevik epic in which Jews are substantially represented can result in a catastrophic event which will fall heavily on the backs of the Jews. . .  The history of the Russian Revolution has already given us examples which, to this today, stand as evil specters in front of our eyes.  We clearly know from bitter experience that no sooner than the bright sun appears, the smallest cloud of reaction brings with it entire waves of Jewish blood and Jewish tears . . . It’s no surprise if, at this moment, there awakens in a Jewish heart anxiety and trepidation on account of the Jewish participation in the Bolshevik movement.  And how does the left respond?  Of course, they sing the same old refrain:  You are cowards, slimy and servile . . . we however are fighters…we are rock solid…we are the salt of the earth, the pestle to the mortar . . . we…we… that is the leitmotif of D. Zaslawski’s article which was reprinted in the local edition of the “Lebensfragen.”*   Understandably, one doesn’t forget to let loose the accusation against the bourgeoise, the Zionists, which is now fashionable in Russia: “Counter-revolutionary.” 

The accusation that is so light heartedly uttered, “You are a coward” . . . at a time when many, many lives are at stake; specifically, this accusation is quite typical of a party which can’t liberate itself from the tradition that Meyerke of the “Little Bund” established.  It is also typical for a talented and clever journalist who as he starts defending Meyerke’s tradition, also starts making foolish comparisons pairing  Bolsheviks and speculators; that is to say, Jewish speculators can also be the cause misfortune for the Jewish people.  The chapter that is the Russian revolution is far from over and more than one cruel shock still stands before us.  And when the Bund, at this point in time, allows itself to come to us lulling and confusing our minds with childish slogans; that is a societal crime.”   The article was printed in the Haynt on the 4th of January 1918.

The polemics between the Haynt and the extreme left Jewish parties continued without interruption between the two wars.  In the years (until 1924) when the Bund was lead by the left pro-Soviet faction

*        An organ of the Bund in that period.

p.60, Translated by Yale J. Reisner, Warsaw, Poland

under the leadership of Yosef Lestschinsky (J. Chmurner, 1884-1935, a brother of Jacob Lestschinsky, 1876-1966) and Meir Waser (Khaver Khayim, 1890-1935), the propaganda against Zionism and the attacks against Haynt were conducted under the presumption that Zionism would not resolve the Jewish question, that the Zionist idea was harmful to the Jewish proletariat and, in general, that the Jewish question would only be resolved in a world of socialist justice, which - as they assured their readers - had already come in Bolshevik Russia and would soon spread throughout the entire world. When the Bund, at the time of the bloody riots in Palestine, found it possible to support the Arabs, Haynt labelled the Bund traitors to the Jewish people. In the 1930s, Haynt fought against the Bund's philosophy of "do-ism," i.e. that the future of the Jewish people lay particularly in the Diaspora.