p.67, Translated by Dr. Jophesf  Schuldenrein

Chapter Four

The Persecutions of Jews In Liberated Poland

1. Physical Terror

Immediately following Poland’s rapid emergence* in November, 1918, the physical abuses of Jews accelerated, rapidly assuming the form of pogroms. On November 13, 1918, a scant two days after Poland declared independence, Haynt (v. 213) reported on pogroms in Galicia. The news was not issued directly, as the Polish information services kept it quiet. Information was released by wire from Berlin, dated November 12, reporting that “according to sources in western Galicia, monitored in Vienna, pogroms have broken out against Jews in several towns across western Galicia. A large number of Jews have been killed, many wounded. The damage is on the order of 15 to 20 million (Austrian) Crowns.”

These were not merely local or sporadic sprees on the part of a people overcome with their newfound independence. Shortly thereafter, there was a rash of bulletins reporting on pogroms breaking out across the country: in Lemberg, Psczymisczyl, Sambor, Krakow, Kielce, Kalicz and everywhere. The picture was painfully clear: yesterday’s downtrodden assumed independence to mean free license to beat and rob the Jewish citizenry. In the wave of pogroms that accompanied Poland’s liberation, the one in Lemberg was one of the bloodiest. It lasted three days, from Friday the 21st until Sunday, November 23rd, and it was organized with the knowledge of the authorities, who did nothing to put an end to the slaughter. This was no coincidence. Subsequently, as well, the central government and its local organs rarely manifested the necessary effort to support the Jewish citizenry.

 


* The common Polish folk, town peasants and urban working people, took to saying “Yak Polska wiebuchala--“My, how Poland has erupted”—when speaking of the resurrection of the Fatherland. In time, this simple phrase worked its way into the vernacular.


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With the exception of Lemberg itself, where the population was a mixture of Poles, Ukrainians, and Jews, the Ukrainians constituted the large majority in that part of Poland known as Eastern Galicia (currently in the sector incorporated into Soviet Russia and part of the Ukraine). The Ukrainians rebelled against their inclusion in the Polish state and stood in armed opposition to the Polish authorities. The Jews found themselves between the hammer and anvil and declared themselves neutral, thus provoking the pogrom in Lemberg. Intzhe (?) Anshel Reis writes in his work “The Rebirth of the Eastern Galician Jews of Poland” (pp. 110-111), that in a memorial to the Polish government on January 1, 1919 the “Jewish Rescue Committee” of Lemberg asserted that a detailed investigation proved that before, during, and after the pogrom 72 Jewish victims died and 443 Jews were injured, among them 71 children. 100 Torah scrolls were burned and desecrated. The Committee also conducted an investigation of the material damage, estimated at 102,986,839 Austrian Crowns, as follows: cash—over 11,000,000 Crowns; valuables and papers—6,442,980 Crowns; stolen clothes, furniture, linens—22,616,864 Crowns; looted and destroyed merchandise—over 55,000,000 Crowns; burned and wrecked machines and workshop equipment—over 1,000,000 Crowns; burnt and destroyed houses—6,591,298 Crowns.

The Polish state fell into the hands of the reactionary, nationalist parties and clerics, chauvinists and old guard bureaucrats. Poland was weak militarily, economically backward, and looted by its occupiers. Unemployment in cities and towns was high, state coffers were empty, there were no means to run the state infra-structure, and the printing presses were left running. Worthless paper currency flooded the country, inflation left Poland an economic disaster over several years, and Jews paid dearly when the government looked for ways to save the country from financial collapse.

The political situation was no better. The young administration remained unconsolidated. Deluded by a poorly conceived democracy, Poland suffered because of rifts and political machinations of dozens of parties


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and factions and their power-hungry leaders. The question of the national minorities demanded a comprehensive solution. The government and its chief leaders issued an accounting, establishing that those ethnic and regional minorities living between the Soviet borders to the East and Southeast and the German borders to the West could not be abandoned. Parenthetically, these groups did little to conceal their contemptuous attitude towards Poland and often spoke of uniting with the Ukrainians and White Russians in Soviet Russia and with the Germans on the other side of the border. The Ukrainians were especially active. When the Polish army suppressed the revolt in November, 1918, they also led a secret, undercover struggle against the Polish authorities. Acts of terror on the part of the Ukrainian military organizations (see Chapter 16), sabotage, and fires on properties of Polish landowners were daily occurrences. The government responded with repressive actions, but the “Appeasement Strategy” of the police and military only antagonized the Ukrainians further and led to bloody acts of revenge. From the perspective of the national interest and the unity of the Polish republic, it was the Jews alone, amongst all the minorities in Poland, who remained loyal and reliable. The Jews had no separatist aspirations. Their only expectation was the prospect of having the chance to earn a living and to maintain the Jewish cultural lifestyle—and this was also denied them.

          The government leaders were oblivious to Poland’s geo-political reality. They remained obsessed with the pursuit of their vision of “Poland for the Poles”, a state where the Polish people were the sole power and--irrespective of the fact that millions of the minority Slavic and German masses were squeezed into their own ethnic enclaves and were separated  from their brethren by an artificial border,--they yearned to rule as if Poland were a nation and state of a single people and not a federation with national minorities,that comprised over a third of the total population. The Jews were considered a guest population from the very beginning, subject to the good graces of the nation’s rulers. Terror, economic discrimination, and all forms of judicial chicanery were marshalled to drive the Jews from Poland.

          The period of the Bolshevik war in 1919-1920 was a time of great suffering. Frame-ups were common, 


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It was alleged that Jews threw boiling water from the windows at Polish soldiers, that they spied for the Bolsheviks, that Jews snitched or that they were responsible for military defeats. The agitated military and civilian masses took out their anger on the Jews, hundreds of innocent victims died, thousands were injured, and countless others were left permanently disabled. Women were violated, Jewish properties were plundered, burnt, and destroyed. Jews were rounded up for forced labor, were beaten, and humiliated. The war was engineered on two fronts: setbacks on the military front were championed by the Poles as "victory" on the "Jewish front".

Not a day went by when Haynt, censors notwithstanding, failed to report about the horrific pogroms, looting and assaults that the military, together with the local peasants and hooligans, committed against the Jews. During the Polish March to Kiev and thereafter, when the Bolsheviks entered Warsaw during their counter-offensive and even later, as the Polish army repelled the Russians, the pogroms and looting continued not only in the territories spanning the military lines on the front, but in all of Poland, including Warsaw, Jews were incessantly beaten and robbed. Haynt volume 109 (May 13, 1909) published the official communiqué from the official Polish telegraph agency "PAT", that by order of the Prime Minister a special commission was to be created to investigate the events in the Kolbusiev, Rapshitz, and Zheshoveh districts (western Galicia) which were "somewhat", according to the communiqué, "hostile to their Jewish population". No one ever found out what the commission's findings were and, in fact, what they had concluded. Two separate, bloody, pogroms occurred during those horrible days, weeks and months that were uniquely violent and took the lives of over 100 innocent Jews. These were the Vilna and Lida pogroms.

The pogrom in Vilna lasted three days, during Chol Hamoyed, Pesach (Passover), 1919. The Polish Army entered Vilna on April 19 and two days later, on the seventh day of Pesach, the army entered the neighborhood of the talented writer Isaac-Mayer Devenishsky (1878-1919), who published under the psudonym A. Vayter. He was staying at the home of the literary-historian and critic Shmuel Niger (1883-1955) and the poet Leib Yaffeh (1876-1948). Soldiers burst


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into the building, violently dragged Vayter out in the street and shot him. Niger and Yaffeh survived amongst hundreds of other Jews who were arrested in Vilna and were driven out under a hail of bullets to Lida. The number of Vilna Jews murdered during that pogrom has never been firmly established. According to the Vilna registry of the (First World) War years and occupation, published in Vilna in 1922 (pages 319-321), in the suburb of Lopuvka alone 67 victims died; the English-Yiddish encyclopedia (volume 16, column 147) discloses that 80 Jews were murdered in the pogrom. The pogrom was marked by barbaric murders and terrifying violence; several victims were forced to dig their own graves prior to execution, while others were buried alive. The number of people taken during the mass arrests filled up two prisons, the railway station, the post-office courtyard, several private houses, and the local bank. According to a Vilna community report, between January 1, 1919 and August 15, 1920 (pages 6-8), hundreds of Jews, irrespective of age and gender, were viciously beaten either in their homes or on the streets and they were then thrown in jail. They were held without food or drink and were submitted to gross humiliation, physical and mental.

The majority of the arrested Jews were held in isolation in Lida and Bialystok, others were deported far from home to Kalisce, Krakow, and other towns in western Poland. Haynt (No. 110) from May 14, 1919 published a note that a Jewish delegation (commission) went out to Bialystok on May 13 in an attempt to arrange release for the interned Vilna Jews, which the delegation estimated to number around 400. A list of 155 Vilna Jews, living in Lida, was published in Haynt (No. 111), May 15, 1919 and a second list of 71 imprisoned Jews from Pinsk and Vilna was published two weeks later in No. 121, May 27, 1919. That group of prisoners was dispatched to the military camp Szczypiorno near Kalisz (Old: Kalisch). The same delegation informed Haynt that since the day they left Vilna, a week earlier, 56 dead were taken to Israel for burial. It should be noted that the arrested Jews remained in detention for a lengthy period prior to being released.


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The second pogrom, which was as bloody and vicious as that in Vilna, occurred in Lida. 35 Jews were slaughtered there, according to a report published in Haynt (No. 99), April 30, 1919.

The news of the pogrom in Sczezhov was published in Haynt (No. 104), May 14, 1919. The pogrom occurred on the Sabbath, May 3. In Novy-Dvar near Warsaw there was a pogrom on Tuesday, May 14, 1919. In Chapter 6, we report in detail on the murder of 35 young Zionists in Pinsk, documented in a report published in Haynt (No. 110).

The accounts of the mass murders filtered into Warsaw belatedly and remained sketchy. Communication with the provinces was erratic and disrupted because of the war, telephones did not work well, trains did not run normally and the censors were strict and confiscated each edition of Haynt one after the other (recounted in detail in Chapter 6). The authorities attempted to put out official communiqués, nothing more. However, these communiqués were completely unreliable, let alone having arrived long after the fact. Suffice it to say that the initial news of events in Vilna was published in Haynt on "April 30 and, even then, just in the form of an aside of several lines which related directly to the murder of A. Vayter: "We have received news from Vilna that the renown author V. Vayter was shot under suspicion of Bolshevism. S. Niyger and L. Yaffeh were also taken prisoner." This item was published under the simple header: "News from Vilna".

In order to mobilize the Polish people to free their homeland, which was in danger of being swallowed up by the Bolsheviks, a coalition government was formed with the peasant-leader Vincenti Vitos (1874-1945) as Premier and leader of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), and Ignace Dashinski (1866-1936) Vice Premier. This same government of National Unity, as it was called, was not only incapable of preventing the assaults and looting, and of protecting the Jewish population, but actually stood by as thousands of Jewish academics who had freely left their studies and, en masse, volunteered to serve and defend the government during these perilous times, were placed in concentration camps for no apparent reason


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and for indefinite duration. The young Jewish patriots, officers and enlisted men were pulled out of the military ranks and interned in a specially created camp in Yablona, near Warsaw. Several thousand conscripted Jewish soldiers were imprisoned with the academics along with officers and doctors from the Austrian army, who had been integrated into the Polish army when Poland seized control of Galicia. In Yablona there were also numerous soldiers, officers, and aides, who enlisted in Pilsudski's Legions, which he had formed during the First World War. The number of interned individuals is not officially known. Dr. Emmanuel Ringelblum (1900-1944), in his study published by the Jewish Historical Institute of Warsaw in 1958 (Bulletin No. 28: page 15, note), puts the number at 10,000, in contrast with the London Jewish Chronicle of October 15, 1920, which gives a figure of 6000 prisoners. They were held under poor sanitary conditions, were under-nourished, and suffered mentally and physically. The authorities considered them enemies and treated them accordingly. Prison guards were brought in from the police ranks, anti-Semites of the worst sort. The interned Jews felt (the hate) in their bones.

The order to isolate Jewish military personnel came from the General Staff in early July, 1920. When the Bolsheviks reached the outskirts of Warsaw, the Vitos-Dashinski government issued a voluntary call to the citizenry to enlist in the army to thwart the Soviet invasion. It was said that the government issued a special appeal to the patriotic spirit of the Jews. Instead, the result was the camp in Yablona. The order was issued by General Casimirz Sasnakovski (1885-1969), Pilsudski's Adjutant from the Legions, who was the General Chief of Staff during the Bolshevik campaign,. In the turbulent atmosphere of unrelenting military defeats, when the Polish Army was driven back to the gates of the capital and Poland's fate hung by a thread, the internment of thousands of Jewish military personnel was a clear indictment of who bore responsibility for the military debacle. The General Staff's communiqués regarding military operations tended to castigate the Jews who lived in areas where the battles took place and often accused the Jews of being disloyal


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while friendly to the Bolsheviks and expressing hostility to the Poles. These developments contributed to the murder and looting during that period. Under the prevailing conditions of strict censorship, when, as documented in Chapter 6, Haynt was routinely confiscated and on occasion closed down, the situation of the publication was very fragile. On the one hand, the paper strived to inform the outside world of the situation in Poland and how the Jews were being treated, while on the other hand, there was persistent anticipation of impending threats that challenged the very existence of Haynt. This was, in the legacy of Haynt, a uniquely perilous period.

In Polish society the reaction to the Yablona camp was varied. There were several dozen intellectuals who campaigned vigorously to free the detained Jews and to punish those who issued the edict. The PPS sponsored press also criticized the edict. At the same time, the opposition press had a fresh opportunity to incite. Just as in the case of the "blood accusation" in Kiev, in 1912, the Jews of Poland were condemned as "Baylises", and in 1920 the slogan "Lenin-Trotsky" became the rallying cry of anti-Jewish hysteria and the code word for the super-charged masses. A Jew, any Jew, became the enemy, a Bolshevik, a traitor, braced to deliver the "Oytchizne" (fatherland) to the Bolsheviks.

The camp in Yablona remains one of the forgotten chapters in Polish-Jewish history. One could search the Polish literature in vain to find information about it. Polish historians, researchers, and memoirists are silent and the matter still begs for a thorough investigation to uncover the behind-the-scenes intrigues surrounding the camp. A retrospective beginning may lie in two articles in a Polish Immigrant journal, published in Paris ("Historic Volumes", 1971). After half a century the "deadly silence" surrounding the camp in Yablona may be broken.

Morris Addus, one of the former detainees at Yablona, writes that in his memoirs ("Pomientiki"), Vincetti-Vitos, the former Polish Premier, chronicled his career in two thick volumes without making a single reference to the camp that was built when he was head of the government. Addus decided, therefore, to recount what he and other Jewish inmates went through in Yablona


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Terror and the uncertainty of their fate left the detainees in disarray. They were routinely terrorized and the barracks were set on fire at night. The fear was so great that the inmates enlisted guards to make sure that their quarters were not set on fire in their sleep. The food was awful and insufficient and if the men did not starve to death it was because of their mothers and sisters who brought food into the camp. The stress, despair, and deep disappointment of the young Jewish inmates gushed forth in the song "We of Yablona Camp" composed by an anonymous author. This was a black, sarcastic, paraphrased version of the hymn "We of the First Brigade" from Pilsudski's Legion and it was sung to the same tune. The mournful tone of the Yiddish protest song stood in marked contrast to the rousing march music of the Legion version. The camp song became popular amongst the Jewish masses. The Polish Jews never had the opportunity to voice their discontent. This dirge of bitterness, from grief to despair, which emerged from Yablona, accurately reflected the feelings of the greater Jewish population ("Jewish History", pp. 173-177).

In the same issue of "Jewish History" (pp. 178-200) Adam Tchialkascz (1901-), the former deputy and leader of the PPS, put out an article in which he dismisses the Yablona matter. He marginalizes the camp and the detention of Jewish military personnel to a minor "episode that lasted for a mere 25 days", maintaining that it should not be overblown in the same way as the pogrom in Lemberg ought not be overstated.

Tchialkascz's article is long and polemic. He writes about other "episodes" that caused consternation amongst Polish Jews in the same spirit as Yablona and he trifles over the transgressions and violations that victimized the Jews during the twenty years since Poland's independence-as well as during the period when his own party was at the helm. He did not forget Yitzhak Greenbaum's exhortation in (the Polish) Parliament: "At this moment you have lost Lemberg and Vilna" (see below). This was, in his opinion, "not a sensible statement", he continued, given "General Skladkowski's 'Osziem' Declaration".

It was typical of the Polish Socialist, a leader of the Worker's Party that clearly supported progressive people, a democrat and a liberal, that he entitled his article "The Jewish Quarter


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in Yablona Camp". That is, as known, a term appropriated by the Nazis for the ghettos of Poland. Once it was known as Wohngebiet der Juden or Juedisches Wohngebiet and finally translated into Polish as Dzielnica zydowsda-"Jewish Quarter."

In his accounting, did Adam Tchialkascz ever conceive of the analogies that the title of his article would call to mind amongst Jews when he wrote about the Yablona "episode" as well as the others?*

It is fitting to conclude this account of the internment of Jewish military personnel in the Yablona camp with the epilogue with which Yitchak Greenbaum ended his memoirs in New York's (Yiddish newspaper) Der Tog Morgn Zhournal about the attempts to liberate the Jewish inmates.

"After considerable intervention and negotiation, we received the cynical response that the generals made a mistake. And in their scornful explanation they went so far as to say that they had believed they were doing the Jews a favor, since so many Jews would otherwise have lost their lives on the front and, as a result of the internments, their lives were saved. Therefore, they continued, we ought not take issue with the Army General Chief of Staff. The shocking cynicism of that response devastated us. We refused to listen to any more of these impudent excuses. After several discussions, we realized that, given their odious approach, they assumed our efforts would lead nowhere and it had already been determined that this distasteful matter would go away."

The period of the Bolshevik campaign was accompanied by the painful, humiliating "game" of the soldiers who enthusiastically amused themselves

_______

*The strategy of isolating "undesirable elements" was devised not by the Polish authorities or the Bolsheviks or Nazis. It is actually of British origin. During the military campaign against the Dutch farmers (Boers) (1899-1902) in South Africa, the British administration placed in designated isolation those who sympathized with the farmers. These designated isolation centers were called "concentration camps". In 1917 the Germans interned Polish legioniers in Sczyparne. At the time of the Yablona camp, that was the first-and for a long while the only-camp in Europe until the Bolsheviks instituted concentration camps in Russia. It was another 13 years, subsequent to the burning of the Reichstag, that Hitler created concentration camps in Germany.

__________


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by throwing Jews off of moving trains and cutting off their beards and sidelocks. Countless Jews were left disabled for life. To protect themselves against assault religious Jews wrapped scarves around their faces to hide their beards. But that did not really help, and even non-Jewish Poles with beards were victimized. In addition, the "Paznatchikehs"(military divisions from the Poznan region) and the " Hallertchikehs", the military wing under the command of General Joseph Haller (1873-1960), consisting of Polish immigrants that came in defense of the Fatherland, collectively excelled in combating the Bolsheviks. General Haller was an anti-Semite and often incited his people against "the Zhidowe-Communeh" (Polish for "Jewish Commune"), the Jewish Bolsheviks, "who betray the Polish people and subvert the heroic Polish Army's efforts to defeat the Soviet enemy". In a report from the (Polish House of) Parliament by the Jewish Deputies of the interim Jewish National Council, published in Warsaw in 1923, it was revealed that the House received notifications from hundreds of locations across the country about thousands of Jews whose beards and sidelocks were forcibly shorn off (page 6). The report goes on to say that over the course of the four months July-October, 1919, accounts of lootings and assaults were received from 115 communities with an average of several tens to a hundred incidents per community (pages 6-7). Between April, 1919 and December 1920, the military and the Polish civil populace promulgated 964 pogroms, assaults and looting incidents upon the Jewish population in hundreds of towns and villages (pages 55-81). It is doubtful whether there was a single Jewish town in Poland at that time which was not touched by this wave of violence. Nor did the anti-Semitic disturbances subside subsequently. It is noted in the Parliament House report that in the first three months of 1923 the National Council registered 21 actions against Jews (p. 145) and in the months April-May of the same year there were reports of another 25 incidents (p. 210).

The Jewish representatives in Parliament could not help much. They were able to launch investigations into the incidents and to draft resolutions requesting that the government take steps to end the orgy (of lawlessness), and they did, in fact, do this, even though this was no small matter. However, to initiate such procedures they had to have a certain number of signatories and because they were such a small minority they had to approach the Polish Parliament members. But the Polish members, including the PPS, didn't exactly rush


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to sign and endorse the measures. The Jewish members recount the following concerning the report in the House of Parliament:

"The introduction of these measures in Parliament was no simple matter…. It was difficult to obtain the necessary number of signatures…even the Socialists often refused to support Jewish motions, except for those who were already amongst the signatories. Accordingly, such motions were not introduced because of their refusal to endorse actions concerning the pogrom in Kalisce…." (p. 9).

In fact, these motions did not even generate significant parliamentary activity. The Jews were typically either brushed off as dismissive alibis or as disturbances that were misrepresented, as opposed to what actually happened. On an almost daily basis, the pages of Haynt carried alarming accounts of unspeakable terror and brutality but the paper was regularly confiscated under the pretext that the accounts were false and cast aspersions on the good name of the Polish government across the world.

Thus the Jewish people were under constant strain. The calamities, economic hardships, and vicious hatred persisted with furious consistency. Jews lived in an atmosphere of anarchy, rife with robbery, bloodshed, and administrative and judicially sanctioned discrimination. Stories were concocted about a covert government ("Anonymova Mazartsvo" in Polish) that had designs to take down the Polish Republic, or that Jews wanted their own state within the Polish nation ("Panstwo vo Pantstvieh" in Polish).

The second half of the 1930's, beginning in 1936, witnessed a renewal of bloody aggression and destruction in Jewish communities across the country. Pshitik, Minsk-Mazowiescke, Brisk, and Czeztochowe became the symbols of Jewish suffering. But that was not enough for the anti-Semites. One Adam Dobaczyski, a landed citizen of Mishlenicia, a town in Krakow province, decided to "take matters into his own hands". As was the custom amongst the aristocracy in the days of independent Poland, on the night of June 22-23 he rode into town at the head of a band of farm-hands. They tore down the town hall and and burned the documents and furniture in the marketplace. On their way the "chloptzes" (hooligans) looted Jewish shops and beat up a number of Jews.

Chaim Finkelstein went to Mishlenicia and wrote a detailed account of this incident, unimaginable even for Poland, in the Friday, June 26th issue of Haynt. The Polish press


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reprinted a major portion of that article. A number of newspapers called for punishing the participants of the "Mishlenicia invasion", as they termed Dobaczyski's anarchistic action. The "Ehndekishe" press heralded Dobaczyski as a hero and patriot who fell into despair, because the government did not act forcefully enough against the Jews.

Pshitik was at the forefront during the days when the government adopted a strategy of casting blame for the pogroms on the Jews exclusively. Those killed, maimed, and beaten were really those guilty of deprecatory acts while the robbers, assailants, and attackers were depicted as martyrs and victims of the Jews. After the Pshitik pogrom, where two Jews were killed and tens were injured, several Jews were arrested and sentenced to hard time. In other cases, for example the 1936 pogrom in Minsk-Mazowiescke, the accused criminals were either quickly released or sentenced to short terms, inclusive of the periods served between arrest and sentencing, then released.

The pogrom in Minsk-Mazowiescke broke out after Yehuda Chaskelewitz, a mildly retarded man, shot and killed an Army sergeant. Chaskelewitz was sentenced to death and in its verdict the court stated that Jews were Communists and enemies of Poland. The next day, June 9, 1937, all the Jewish papers published a collective declaration of protest and each of the papers was pulled from circulation (more about the Chaskelewitz incident appears in "From the Recent Past", volume 2, pp. 382-398).

In Brisk, the pogrom broke out immediately prior to Shavuoth, 1937. The catastrophe was unbelievable. Several tens of Jews were severely brutalized and beaten, practically all Jewish shops and hundreds of houses, synagogues, schools, orphanages were looted and destroyed. As in the days of Czarist Russia, the town was covered with feathers from torn up bedding that the hooligans dragged out from Jewish homes. One of the maimed died from his wounds. To protect themselves from the looters, some of the Poles in Brisk set out crosses and holy pictures in the windows with signs "Christians reside here" and "This is a Christian store". The pogrom lasted six hours and neither the police nor the civil authorities


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raised a finger.

The news from Brisk alarmed the Jewish public. Haynt dispatched Moshe Layzerovitch to report the events. As a native Brisker, he had friends and relatives there who helped him in his investigation and he called in and reported extensively. The police had him arrested, accusing him of inciting the Jewish masses to riot against the Christian population. He was imprisoned for two days and, upon release, he was ordered to leave town immediately.

Following the Brisk pogrom and as a protest against the pogroms and riots in the country, a general strike was proclaimed by Polish Jewry. Jewish shops closed down, mass meetings were held, and the effect on the "Jewish Street" was great, but nothing really changed. Bloody attacks, and anti-Semitic hate accompanied by cries for expulsion ("Zhidzhe do Palestineh"; "Jews to Palestine") continued until the outbreak of World War II.

Translated by Pam Singer

2. Economic extermination

The economic war with the Jews was carried out with the same ruthlessness as the physical terror. The slogan called for freeing the Polish nation from the “Jewish exploiters”. The ultimate aim was to establish a Polish middle-class out of the ruin of Jewish manufacturers, shop-keepers, grocers, workers. The government created state-run monopolies on alcohol, tobacco, salt and matches. But as soon as “statism”, as the monopoly system was called, was introduced, Jews were thrown out of their positions in the state-monopoly factories. Polish workers, managers and directors were installed in their place. They were not short of other, equally radical, methods of economic annihilation.

In January, 1921 Sunday was declared a compulsory day of closure for businesses. Haynt calculated that Jews who wanted to observe the Sabbath and Jewish holidays had to close their businesses for 134 days a year. Non-Jews only had to close up on 62 days a year. Not only was this law introduced to ruin the Jews economically, it was also intended to undermine religious practice and traditions of Polish Jews.

The Jewish Deputies did everything they could to combat this law. They called upon the Polish Deputies and the government not to ruin the Jews. Their words fell on deaf ears. The Polish Deputies and the Jewish socialists from the Polish Socialist Party united and supported the Sunday closing law.


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After the vote was taken and recognising the prevailing mood within the Sejm, Isaac Greenbaum bitterly exclaimed to the Polish Deputies, “You have just lost Lemberg and Vilna”. At that time the eastern borders were not well-defined -- the coalition government only recognised Vilna for Poland in 1923. The Polish Deputies interpreted Greenbaum’s call as a threat that Jews outside the country would campaign to ensure that Poland did not gain control of the eastern territory. Writing about the incident the following day, Haynt remarked that after Greenbaum’s interjection there was an almighty upheaval in the Sejm. They fell upon Greenbaum with clenched fists and almost lynched him on the spot.

Taxes were used as a method of reducing Jewish business influence. Polish business leaders had never demonstrated any particular skills in establishing healthy foundations to Poland’s economy. From the beginning of independence Poland suffered a deep economic crisis. After the upheavals in May 1926 the Finance Minister Wladislaw Grobski (1884 – 1938) was given the task of rescuing the financial situation. He used taxes as his punitive method. In practice he placed the greatest tax burden on the Jews. He wanted to enrich the country’s treasury with Jewish money and at the same time to undermine the financial basis of Jewish business.

On May 30, 1928 Haynt printed the speech that Deputy Heshel Farbshtein (1870 – 1948) delivered in the Sejm about the introduction of new taxes that Jews had to pay. He showed that in many areas the tax regime demanded about 500- to 600% more of Jewish traders and factory-owners than they actually owed. There were instances when the taxes were raised by 1000 or 1500%. As a tragic curiosity, Deputy Farbshtein told about a poor Jew who traded fruit in the market in Hoshche near Rovne. He was charged 80,000 zloty tax, whereas the Polish traders -- even the main ones -- did not have their taxes raised.


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At the same time the boycott movement effected Jewish trade a great deal. The government subsidised the Polish middle-class very generously. Private undertakings were set up, formally registered as co-operatives, and they were supported with massive subsidies. Polish shop-keepers and tradesmen got cheap credit from the national bank. Jews had to find private sources and paid high interest. Many Jewish firms had to close. Tens of thousands of workers were suddenly left with no income. The more enterprising went out into the world with wives and children. Many went to Israel. This was known as the “Grobski Aliyah”. Others looked for work in Germany, France, or other European countries, others went to South America.

The economic crusade against Jews received a fresh impetus in 1936 after Prime Minister General Dr. Felicjan Slawoj Skladkowski, (1885 – 1962) declared in the Sejm that, while the government is against attacks, the economic battle (with Jews) was “owszem” (acceptable). Until that time, the economic war against the Jews was carried out by the Polish business community of its own accord, without any government involvement. The government played no official role in the economic war against the Jews. It enforced economic restrictions under the mantle of laws and codes of practice which, on the surface, applied to everyone, but in reality sought to undermine the economic basis of the Jewish population. The “owszem” declaration became the order of the day, a foretaste of an even sharper course against Jews. In 1937 Colonel Adam Koc, the leader and theorist of the regime included in his speech about the goals of the regime the task of completely sidelining the Jews from the Polish economy (see below).

The government rarely ordered goods from Jewish businesses. It would rather pay higher prices for inferior conditions from Polish businesses than give Jews the business. After “owszem” they did not deal with Jews at all. Jewish shopkeepers and manufacturers formed bogus partnerships with influential people within the regime who, on paper, were the heads. That way they got orders from the army, police, railway, civil administration. Those chiefs never got their hands dirty and took huge kickbacks while the Jews did all the work.


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The fatal results of this extermination campaign came soon enough. In the Haynt Jubilee Book of 1908-1938, Dr. Philip Freeman (1901 – 1960) published a major work, “The up-to-date history of Jews in Poland”, in which he writes about the catastrophic economic situation of Jews in Poland. We cite just a few figures to illustrate the pauperisation of the Jewish population: in 1921 there were 27,000 Jewish business in Poland, but in 1933 -– only 16,000. During the same period 4,000 Polish enterprises arose ( page 134). In 1935, 150,000 Jewish tradesmen were unemployed. Only three years later in 1938, the figure for unemployed and unwaged was 300,000 for Jews in Poland. If families are included, there were more than a million souls without any means (page 135.) The picture of the Jewish economic destruction in Poland becomes even bleaker when you consider that 8 years previously, in 1930, “the average small-town Jewish family earned approximately 10 zloties per week (barely enough for bread and potatoes) and in recent years, even this budget was reduced.” On average, approximately 25% of Polish Jews (30% in Lodz and 55.4% in Lemberg) barely survived and lived off charity.

Haynt dedicated a lot of space to economic and financial questions. In 1918 the first one started systematically writing about the businessman Henech Eish (1890 - ?). Once a week Haynt devoted a whole side to news and reports about commerce and trade, about prices, seasonal forecasts, and so forth. Eish worked for Haynt until 1921, when he left the newspaper and opened his own business for rain boots and raincoats in Nalewki Street. Eish perished in the Warsaw Ghetto.

Senator Fishel Rothenshtreich (1882 – 1931) wrote regularly about taxes, financial legislation and new economic projects. As a member of the Senate’s Finance Commission, he was familiar with the government’s economic plans, so was able to use his articles to advise about new evil decrees against Jews.

Moishe Mark (1909 -- now living in Israel, where he changed his name to Moishe Prager) distinguished himself with his economic articles which he signed with his full name, or with the letters “M.M”. The JOINT** in Warsaw often took ideas from his articles for their plans for practical help for Polish Jews. In the Haynt Jubilee Book of 1908-1938, Moishe Mark published a major work about economic anti-Semitism called “The Economic War against the Jews of Poland” (pages 140-147).

 

*Major shopping Street in Warsaw’s old Jewish district

**American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, Inc. (JDC)


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He came to the drastic conclusion that Polish Jews would have to seek new ways of making a living and to find radical ways of rebuilding the Jewish economic situation. In Poland, Moishe Prager dedicated his research to the devastation of Polish Jewry, especially of the religious Jews. He founded and is the chairman of the Kiddush Hashem Archive in B’nei Brak.

Economic articles in Haynt were also published by Gedalia Weisbord (1890 – 1943). He mainly concentrated on issues concerning small entrepreneurs. He perished during the second Warsaw uprising.

Chapter 17 (“The Jewish Salvation Committee”) and the last paragraph of Chapter 19 deal with Haynt’s initiatives on the situation of financial help for Jews who were uprooted from the economic life of Poland.

3. Persecution Against the Jewish Intelligentsia

When Poland was resurrected almost all Jewish judges, railway employees, prominent workers in the finance industry and other government employees in Galicia, where they occupied government positions during the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were thrown out. (In Congress Poland and in the Poznan district there were virtually no Jews in prominent positions). For a Jew to be in a prominent government position in liberated Poland was very rare indeed. There were a few notable exceptions in the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Trade and Industry and in a few areas where they could not manage without a Jew, for example in the censorship and the Police. Polish factory-owners did not hire Jewish engineers, nor did they give work to Jewish officials or workers. Few Jewish doctors worked in the hospitals; courts made it difficult for young Jewish legal practitioners to get the necessary work experience in order to qualify as lawyers when they finished university. It was almost impossible for a Jewish lawyer to be taken on as a legal adviser in an official capacity, or in a Christian undertaking, or for a Jewish engineer to get a position with the government or the city administration.


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In his aforementioned work in the Haynt Jubilee Book, Dr. Friedman says that, out of the almost 1,700 professors in Poland in the 1935-36 academic year, there were only 77 of Jewish descent. Half were converts to Christianity, the others were mainly culturally and nationally assimilated, remote from Jewish life and not interested in Jewish issues.

The lot of the Jewish student youth was bitter. According to the figures that Dr. Friedman presents in the Jubilee Book, there were 8,228 Jewish high school students out of 35,000 in 1921-22, i.e. 24%. Fifteen years later in 1936-37, there were no more than 5,700 Jewish students out of 48,200 – about 11% (page 138).

There was no actual law limiting Jews’ access to higher education. Individual high schools imposed their own discretionary entry limits from year to year. As a rule the number was generally small and the unofficial “numerus clausus” diminished from year to year to “numerus nullus”.

Very few Jews got accepted into the “practical” faculties such as medicine, dentistry, law or engineering. It was a bit easier for Jews to study the humanities which in Poland, with its hefty academic intelligentsia, especially in Galicia, meant limited opportunities to get work after graduation.

The smallest number of Jews were taken on within the Faculty of Medicine. In his article, “The pauperisation of the Jewish masses”, printed in the Haynt Jubilee Book of 1908-1938 (page 150) Ya’akov Leshtsinski says that in the academic year 1923-24 Jews represented 30.2% of the students in the medical faculties in Poland, which was more or less average of the urban Jewish population. But in the academic year 1937-38 there was barely 8.7% of Jewish medical students. In the academic year 1921-22, 352 Jewish students studied dentistry, but in 1937-38 there were no more than 82 Jews in all of the dentistry schools. The few individuals who were accepted into medicine


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did not have it easy. For example:

Edward Lott (1884-1944), the anatomy professor at the University of Warsaw, came out with an order in 1929 that Jewish students had to supply their own cadavers to practice autopsies. They did not allow Jewish students into the anatomical theatre, so they could not prepare themselves for their exams.

A delegation from the Union of Jewish medical students went to see Professor Lott. They did not have a friendly welcome. The Professor argued that according to Jewish law, it is forbidden to disturb a corpse. Therefore, Jewish students would no longer receive Christian cadavers for autopsies. If they wanted to continue with their studies they would have to provide their own cadavers. Moishe Kleynboym, the Official from the Union of Jewish medical students, retorted that the university was obliged to provide students with the necessary resources and materials for their studies. Students were not required to provide their own chemicals or microscopes, therefore they could not be expected to provide their own dead bodies. Kleynboym put it this way: “You, Professor, are the Dean of the Faculty of Medicine, and are responsible for ensuring that your Jewish students have the same opportunities as all the other students.”

Professor Lott did not carry on the discussion with the delegation, but two days later the order was dropped.

Jews were forced to study in an atmosphere of hostility and terror. Polish students actively took part in the attacks in the streets and carried on the same way at the Jewish academics as in High School. A predominant section of the professors sympathised with them, and even turned a blind eye.

In the years that the Polish government became racist, reactionary Polish students put forward a demand that Jewish students must sit separately on the left-hand side during lectures. Jewish students repudiated this demand. However small their number amongst the thousands of Polish students, they still stood firmly against this. This caused serious clashes, resulting in fatalities. The Jews, however, did not give way and during the lectures they either stood or sat on the floor along the walls. To be fair it has to be said that there were professors who were against this “bench ghetto”, as the “left-hand” benches were called. A few dozen signed a declaration of protest which was printed as a leaflet. In the University of Warsaw there were a few professors who were in solidarity with the Jewish students and held lectures standing up.


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At the beginning of the academic year in autumn, it was a school “custom” for Polish students to attack the Jewish students. Fights used to break out in the Universities and Polytechnics in Warsaw, Vilna, Krakow, Lemberg. The unrest would then spread out into the streets. Blood was spilled on both sides, windows were smashed, Jewish shops and houses were looted. The fights were repeated all year. The government was aware of this; the professors were aware. The academics themselves did not keep their plans a secret. Nevertheless the authorities did not consider it necessary to protect the Jewish academic youth. They did not demand that the police intervene to restore order at the university, using the excuse that this would impinge upon the autonomy of higher education.

4. Agitation against Shekhite (Ritual Slaughter of Animals)

During the early years of the new Polish regime, the anti-Semites proposed the abolition of the “Shekhite”. Just as with the Sunday compulsory closure law, the aim was not only to deal Jews a hard economic blow, but also to assault the vast majority of Polish Jews who kept a kosher kitchen for religious, traditional or health reasons.

The first formal proposition to abolish “shekhite” was introduced into the Sejm in May 1923. The movers of the motion were two members of the virulently anti-Semitic Christian National Party, Deputy Father Adam Virembovski, and Dr. Tadeusz Dimovski. The latter was woefully infamous for his anti-Semitic activities from his time as a city councillor in Warsaw. He started his heated campaign against the Jews during the German occupation when he renewed and quickly reinforced the anti-Jewish boycott propaganda, but calmed down a bit when World War I broke out in 1914 (see Chapter 2). Dimovski was one of the founders


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and chief directors of the organization “Rozvoi” in Warsaw whose only activity was to incite a boycott and pogrom amongst the Polish masses in the towns and countryside. The Poles who resisted his influence and continued to shop at Jewish shops were denounced as traitors of the Polish people.

 “Rosvoi” set up a massive propaganda machine with newspapers, journals, pamphlets, appeals and placards. Just as Dimovski himself and his followers preached this at mass meetings, the printed material called for a campaign against the “Jewish yoke”, against the “Jewish flood” against the Jewish “bloodsuckers” and “Exploiters”. They illustrated the printed material with Jewish caricatures, just as the Nazis did later. A number of Jewish business were ruined, a number of Jewish lives were lost as a result of the “Rozvoi” campaign.

Dimovski and his followers were too hasty. In 1923 the Polish regime was not yet ready to introduce the anti-“shekhite” legislation. The land was barely surviving economically. They had to borrow from other countries, which were not well-disposed towards Poland because of its general policies, its attitude to the national minorities and the pogroms and murders of Jews. The proposal to abolish “shekhite” was dropped, but the agitation continued. At first they used the animal-welfare argument that “shekhite” is barbaric, but in the later phase they dropped the humanitarian excuse and cynically talked about ripping the meat business out of Jewish hands.

The main agitator was a priest, Stanislaw Trzeciak, (1873 - ?). These days no one remembers his name. But for many years he was very threatening to Jews. There was a rumour that he was of Jewish descent, but very few anti-Semites could match him for hatred towards Jews and Jewishness. He delivered viciously anti-Semitic sermons in churches and at mass meetings, incited superstitious house watchmen, ignorant servants, all sorts of shady characters in towns, and peasants and farm labourers in the villages. They swallowed the priest’s words and after his sermons, took out their enflamed mood on the Jews. Wherever he showed his face there was mayhem directed against Jews. He travelled around often and extensively, the length and breadth of the land.


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Trzeciak presented himself as an expert in Talmud. In reality he was an ignoramus. This enemy of the Jews drew his “knowledge” from anti-Semitic brochures with which Hitler’s Germany flooded Poland. He translated the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” into Polish, and boasted that he was the author. Before the Czarist era he was a professor in the Catholic Academy in St. Petersburg, together with the anti-Semitic priest Justin Pranaitis, the very same who was the prosecutor’s “expert witness” at the infamous Beylis blood-libel trial. Haynt wrote about Father Trzeciak’s anti-Semitic campaigns. He attacked the newspaper, twisted and falsified what the paper said and denounced the paper as an enemy of the Polish people.

Dr. Tadeuzs Zaderecki from Lemberg, a renowned Polish author and genuine scholar of the Talmud, often branded Trzeciak a charlatan and an ignoramus, a falsifier of Jewish religious texts. In an interview with Haynt’s correspondent, B. Tsegrovski in Lemberg, printed in Haynt on 16 February, 1937, Dr. Zaderecki said that Trzeciak was a plagiarist, merely repeating what other anti-Semites had said before him, repeating the same uninformed mistakes that they had made, as neither they nor he could read the original texts. Dr. Zaderecki offended Trzeciak, calling him a Nazi agent, a collaborator of Hitler agency “World Service”. On the outside, the agency preoccupied itself with spreading venomous literature against the Jews in 20 languages, including Polish. In fact, Dr. Zaderecki explained, the Jew-baiting was a cover for carrying out pro-Nazi espionage.

Father Trzeciak did not make much of Dr. Zaderecki’s revelations, and continued with his incitement, and called upon the regime to abolish “shekhite”. Janina Pristor (1881-1975) came to his assistance. Her husband, Colonel Alexander Pristor (1874 – 1941), a close collaborator of Marshall Pilsudski was the Premier and then the President of the Senate. His wife was a Deputy in the Sejm. She herself had been campaigning for the abolition of “shekhite” and quoted Trzeciak’s brochure: “Ritual slaughter in light of the Bible and the Talmud”, which he put out in 1935.

Doctor Hillel Seidman (1915-), today in New York, the Secretary of the “United Committee For the Defense of Ritual Slaughter”, in the important work “Ritual Slaughter in Light of the Bible and Talmud”, published


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 in Warsaw in Polish in 1936, labeled Tzhetshak’s [?] brochure a collection of hypocrisy and falsehood, and in line after line showed what a great ignoramus the priest was.

The convincing arguments made a great impression also in the Polish scientific world, but that didn’t keep the Jew-baiting [“yidnfreserish” is much more vivid] couple from continuing their dogged opposition to ritual slaughter. These particular partners, the ignorant and Jew-baiting charlatan, the plagiarist and forger in priest’s garb, who was publicly unmasked as Hitler’s agent in Poland, and the woman, an intimate of Pilsudski, succeeded in carrying out what others hadn’t managed to do. Kosher butchering of meat was cut back in the first step toward a complete prohibition. The restriction came into effect January 1, 1937. We read in that day’s Haynt that from that day on quotas [“kontingentn” in its dictionary sense doesn’t fit the context] were instituted on kosher meat: how much can be koshered; who can be a ritual slaughterer; where one can sell kosher meat. Only where Jews lived in large numbers could one kosher a small amount of meat; where ritual slaughter was forbidden, one had to import kosher meat from elsewhere. In Warsaw the quota was roughly two kilos kosher meat per person per month.

Haynt on 25 May 1937 reported that statistics from the Agriculture Ministry showed that the consumption of meat during the first four months of the limitations on ritual slaughter dropped by 25% and it was expected that in May the consumption of meat would fall to 40%, since there wasn’t enough kosher meat and the Jewish population wouldn’t buy non-kosher meat. But the government did not consider that and three days later, 28 May 1937, Haynt reported that the quota on kosher meat would be again reduced by 70,000 kilos for Warsaw alone.

That still didn’t satisfy the anti-Semites. In extreme secrecy, Alexander Haftka [?] (1894-1964), the Agent [?] for Jewish Matters in the Interior Ministry, warned the Deputy Dr. Emil Samerstein in the spring of 1937 that the government had decided to ban kosher ritual slaughter [the redundancy is in the Yiddish, so I left it] entirely. A bill would be introduced in the Diet [Polish Parliament] and there was not the slightest doubt that ritual slaughter would be abolished.

The upsetting news of the forthcoming edict spread widely and Haynt warned of the danger that threatened tens of thousands of families with the loss of their livelihood. The trade in cattle, hides, leather


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 and leather goods, in meat and meat products for use locally and for export abroad, was one of the most important economic activities among Polish Jews, the means of subsistence for a large part of the Jewish population. There could be no doubt that Jews would be eliminated from the meat business, as merchants and as manufacturers, when the ritual slaughter edict came into effect, and that the Jewish workers and slaughter houses, tanneries and leather finishers would remain without work as had happened with [other?] monopolized branches of the economy.

In the winter of 1938 there was a meeting of rabbis in Warsaw. They were helpless, depressed [dejected?], simply had no idea what to do. Before they went their separate ways, they decided to declare a protest boycott of meat. Joining in the effort were Dr. Abraham Weiss (1895-1970), the Chairman of “Mizrakhi” [Union of Religious Zionists?] in Poland and Rector of the Judaic Institute in Warsaw, and the Krinker Rabbi, Rabbi Khezekaya-Yosef Mishkovski (1884-1947). The boycott was set for 14-31 March, with one fast day.

Polish Jewry participated solidly in the boycott. Many Jews who didn’t keep kosher didn’t buy meat during the days of the boycott; Jewish butcher shops and sausage factories closed; and in Jewish restaurants no meat was served.

To help Jewish housewives cook meatless dinners, the School for Jewish Servant Girls [I presume that is a proper name; Yiddish could use capital letters] in Warsaw took upon itself the preparation of lists of meatless foods (by the way, the school itself was a sign of the times and the severe economic crisis among Jews: its purpose was to provide professional training to unemployed Jewish women as cooks and servants). The school prepared food cards showing how many calories a person needed and which food items, apart from meat, had the necessary number of calories, and planned menus with these cards for meatless meals for every day and for Shabes. This was done by Dr. Sonya Sirkin-Bernstein, who directed the school, and Pearl Weiss, the wife of Dr. Abraham Weiss. They made sure the meals were kosher, nourishing, and dietetically varied. The menus were distributed to the Jewish newspapers. Haynt printed them under the title “What are Jews eating today for dinner?”


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The “United Committee for [the Defense of? – cf. p. 89] Ritual Slaughter”, to which belonged rabbis, political parties, and the central social organizations, was also involved in organizing the protest boycott. Two days before the meat boycott began, 12 March, a meeting was called to deal with the situation. In Haynt for 13 March it was reported that the meeting included all the rabbis in the Warsaw Rabbinate and all the parties and organizations had sent representatives. Also invited to the meeting were representatives of the fish merchants. One could foresee that because of the meat boycott the consumption of fish would increase and at the meeting an appeal was made to the merchants that they not raise their prices. They were also told [challenged? ordered?] that “under no circumstances” should they import fish from Germany but to deal only in fish from Poland.

The government paid no heed to the Jewish protest. The damage suffered by the agricultural economy was of no concern to anyone. On the contrary, it became known that the officials were further occupied with preparing the law concerning a complete ban on ritual slaughter and it was only a matter of time before that project was complete.

The legal project was formally introduced in the Diet by one Julius Dudinski, a deputy from the government party[?]. He demanded that ritual slaughter be immediately banned in all of Poland. The proposal was accepted on 25 March 1939 with the improvement that the decree be introduced gradually over three years, until December 1942. The motive was that if one introduced the prohibition immediately, “it would disturb economic life”. In the report that Haynt printed about the meeting of the Diet, it was emphasized that only the Ukrainian and a small bunch of Polish deputies voted against the ritual slaughter prohibition. In the name of the few Jews who were at that time Diet deputies, Deputy Samerstein read a protest declaration and together with the other Jews left the meeting. They did not participate in the voting.

The government didn’t succeed in introducing the edict. The Polish rulers had other worries in the summer of 1939. The Nazis introduced the decree for them in October of 1939, shortly after Poland lost the war and the Germans occupied the land.


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5. The Unsuccessful Plan to Take Over the Jewish Press

In 1935 there arose a serious danger: that the entire Jewish press would fall into the hands of the regime and be forced to write as the government dictated, or lose all chance of reaching their readers. Quite unexpectedly the government commissariat in Warsaw put forth a demand to the Jewish newspaper publishers, that they hand over their colportage to the firm Rukh, which had the sales monopoly for the Polish press in Warsaw and in the train stations in Poland.

Rukh, which was formed by private entrepreneurs, was later taken over by several Sanatsie[?]-leaders from among the A. G. “Pulkovnikes”[Colonels?] [?]. Foremost were Boguslav Miedshinski (1891-1972), Chief Editor of the “Polish Gazette”, chief organ of the Sanatsie, Edmund Zeyfried, a former officer of the Second Division of the General-Staff (Espionage), and a few other men of the same sort [“men of the same Rebbe”], who belonged to the Old Guard of Marshall Pilsudski. Rukh was better than a goldmine for them personally. The undertaking was created as a commercial firm to sell newspapers, popular literature, cigarettes, candy, and other such items; in fact however it was a covert and very effective instrument for keeping the press in the dark and helping the “Pulkovnikes” to fight opponents in their own circle and in the opposition parties. According to the agreement, which the publishers had to sign, Rukh reserved [“oysnemen zikh” isn’t that, but in the context …] the right to stop distributing a newspaper without the slightest reason and because of that it happened that an edition that Rukh didn’t want to sell couldn’t reach its readers. It is likely that the regime now wanted to restrain the Jewish press the same way. On 8 December 1935 the Government Commissar, Vladislav (“Volodia”) Jarashevitsh (1888-1947), announced that as soon as 1 January 1936 the Jewish publishers must transfer the sale of their newspapers exclusively to Rukh. The leaders of the Yiddish press decided to resist. A conference was called of all the newspapers and lawyers intervened with the government commissariat. They filed a memorandum which indicated, without entering into political speculations or matters of principle but simply as a matter of fact, that because of the high price Rukh demanded, the Jewish newspapers would be left without any income.


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 If that wasn’t bad enough, Rukh required that its liaison with the Jewish press be the newspaper agent Hershl Ziskind, a man known as a bad payer [financial risk?] and in whom the publishers had no great trust. The memorandum also emphasized that in the event Rukh took over the sale of the Jewish papers, in Warsaw alone 70 families of Jewish newspaper agents would lose their livelihood.

For their part the Jewish newspaper publishers suggested creating a cooperative of Jewish Newspaper Agents which would pay Rukh a specified percentage for the sold Jewish newspapers. For that Rukh should give to the cooperative the sale of the Polish papers in the Jewish areas of the city. The memorandum [“memorial” but that makes no sense] was rejected. An official from the government commissariat explained to the lawyer Henryk Erlich (1882-1941), the representative of the Union of Jewish Newspaper Sellers, that the cooperative was not established because only Rukh itself had the right to sell newspapers.

Fortunately nothing came of this plan. At the time, no one knew why; the reason was only made clear 30 years later. The Polish Scientific Academy in Warsaw put out a series of studies devoted to the history of the Polish press. In volume V of the series, which came out in 1966, Eugene [Oygeniush?] Rudnitski presented a greater [greater than what?] study which revealed hitherto unknown details of the unsuccessful attempt by Rukh to seize the Jewish press (pp. 234-236, 238-243). The author found secret reports in the Central Archive of the Interior Ministry with details of how various cliques in Sanatsie-Camp quarreled among themselves and wanted to seize power after the death of Josef Pilsudski (1867-1935). Marshall Shmigli-Ridz [?] (1886-1941) and his men, who then had the upper hand, wanted to take away from the “Pulkovnikes” the positions [?] which they had usurped while Pilsudski was still alive. They schemed against the “Pulkovnikes”, put stumbling blocks everywhere. It wasn’t in their interests for the “Pulkovnikes” to take control of the Jewish press and become still richer, and their friends in the government commissariat didn’t force the Jewish newspapers to turn over their colportage to Rukh. The specified deadline of 1 January 1936 came and went, the Jewish agents continued to sell the newspapers as before, and the matter was forgotten.


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6. Poland Becomes Racist

At the end of February 1937 the Pulkovnik Adam Katz (1891-1969) announced on the radio with great pomp the political program of the ruling party, “Obuz Ziednatshenia Narovego” [?] (camp [?] of the National Union” [the opening quotation marks are missing from the text; maybe the closing ones are the error], known as “OZON” from the initials of its Polish name). The regime threw itself openly into the arms of Hitler, and “OZON” declared itself to be a totalitarian and racist party with extreme anti-Semitic goals. Each time the issue of Jews in Poland arose, Katz accused the Jews, saying that they “apparently don’t show the slightest bit of patriotism or self-sacrifice toward the state, that they lack the will to make a sacrifice and tie their lives and property to the state”. Katz underwrote the “Ovshem”[?]-theory and added his own commentary, that it is a natural thing for the Poles to want to free themselves economically from the Jews.

The authorities warned the press not to attack the declaration and not to criticize the government’s politics. The Jewish press was threatened with severe repressions against the printing plants and with personal penalties on the writers of news and articles about the persecutions of Jews. Despite this terror however, Haynt did not stop informing the world about the position of Jews in Poland and the censor couldn’t always punish the newspaper for that. Thus, for example, in 1937 Haynt reprinted for the first anniversary of the death of Sh. Y. Yatskan,  one of his articles “A Nation of Saints”, which had been printed in Haynt on 21 November 1918, in the times of pogroms and plundering, which had occurred after the formation of the Polish state. Almost twenty years had passed since the article had been first published and it was still topical. The reader will find the article in Part II.

After the Katz declaration the government quickly began official persecution of the Jews in the well-known Hitler style. Terror, a strengthened boycott, and very severe economic oppression were the means by which the government sought to destroy the Jews. The struggle with the Jews led the land into anarchy, to a moral decline and to economic catastrophe, but the extermination actions continued. The pogroms and plundering in the years right before the Second World War, about which we wrote above, grew directly from the ground of Katz’s declaration. “Jews out”