p.292, Translated by Zulima Seligsohn

Chapter Nineteen

THE ERA OF ALT-NAY

In the Summer of 1932, Haynt changed from a private undertaking to a cooperative publication of its contributors. This happened after a long financial dispute with the owners, which ended with a strike by all three staff divisions: editorial, administrative, and printing. The strike went on for six weeks, and when Haynt came out again in June, the newspaper was already a publication of the cooperative entity Alt-Nay. The birth pangs of the cooperative were not slight. In the second volume of Noentn Avar >The Recent Past=, 113, 115-121, its author ( L. Yakubovich)[1] wrote about the basis of the conflict and the reason why the strike lasted so long. This chapter will deal with the publishing activities that took place at Haynt in the era of Alt-Nay, until the second world war broke out. But let us first tell of the thoughts and uncertainties that roiled the minds of the responsible contributors before the cooperative was created.

When it became clear that there was no other way out of the long and complicated conflict than for the contributors to take over HAYNT under a lease from its owners, there appeared, besides the technical issues that were involved in starting the cooperative, the problem of a suitable name for the paper. In Koeleth >Ecclesiastes= 7:1, it is written that a Agood name is better than precious oil,@ and we sought not just a name for the cooperative enterprise, but one that would express the nationalist and Zionist character of Haynt while stressing its purpose to remain the press organ at the forefront of the struggle of Polish Jews. Alt-Nay is the shortened Yiddish title of Theodore Herzl=s visionary work Alt Neuland, which envisions the future Jewish nation in Eretz Israel. In the twelfth century (1142), during the siege of Prague, the oldest synagogue in the city was burnt down. Not until 1270 was a large new synagogue rebuilt, named Stara Nova >Old New= in Czech. Jews called it AAlt-Noi-Shul@ and AAl-Tnoi-Shul (roughly > The Conditional Shul=)@ as an allusion to the precariousness of the times. Herzl adopted this title for his Alt Neuland utopia.


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It was Avrum Goldberg who suggested the name Alt-Nay for the Haynt cooperative. He pointed out that the name would symbolize the Zionist platform of Haynt and would express the connection between the past and the future of the cooperative. The name won out and was adopted.

Among some of the writers there were concerns voiced that the technical personnel might want to change the character of Haynt in the future. The co-workers in the administration and in printing belonged to professional trade unions and many of them were active in socialist parties who often fought against Zionism. Among the editors, therefore, there were opinions that at a general meeting of the cooperative, it could come about that there might be enough votes to change the direction of the newspaper, not just as a Zionist organ, but in its posture toward the government in the hopes that the rulers might leave Haynt alone. The material harm of the confiscations would be avoided, and that would allow the salaries in the cooperative, which, as had been expected after the lengthy strike, were rather modest, to be raised. To ensure against such an eventuality, there were particular points entered into the official by-laws of the cooperative which made it impossible to alter Haynt=s traditional line.

Avrum-Itzhok Provalsky, a well-known worker in the Jewish cooperative movement in Poland and one of the founders of the Central Zionist Manual-Workers Union, wrote the statutes and adapted them to the specific needs of Haynt. As is pointed out in Chapter 12, Provalsky had been printing articles in Haynt since 1914. He was well versed in the opinions of the editors, had many friends among the writers, and understood their apprehensions. But when the secretary of the cooperative went to the Circuit Court in Warsaw to confirm the statute, the chairman of the Court of Commerce, who was to grant his official approval, crossed out the conditions in red ink. He held that they had no place in the statute and advised that the members should take up the crossed-out points at a general meeting in the form of an internal regulation.

As it happens, it seems that the apprehensions were not justified.

 Everyone in the cooperative was of one mind, in that Haynt could exist only as an outspoken organ of the Zionist and nationalist Jewish struggle. No one had thought otherwise. No danger threatened the cooperative in this regard. The danger that loomed was on the


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part of the Polish government.

Having in mind the difficult experiences, the interference of the commissions, the sealing-up of the printing plant, and the periodic closures of Haynt, the cooperative considered the possibility that one clear morning a commission would decide that the newspaper=s ceilings are unstable and they would close Haynt down not for political reasons but supposedly on the grounds of general building regulations. It was well-known that during the Seim (Lower chamber of the Polish Parliament) electoral campaign in 1930 there were closures of various printing plants that printed newspapers and election materials for parties who were in opposition to the Senacia regime. The excuse used was that the noise of the printers kept the neighbors up at night. The threat hung over the cooperative like the sword of Damocles; the grievous experience of 1934 when the Haynt plant was shut down; and 1938, when the newspaper was closed down and again had to appear under a different name for three months, without there being anyone to protest to, not even in vain; these would bare witness that the fear was well-founded.

As a cooperative, Haynt remained the spokes-organ of the national Polish Jewish community. The newspaper supported the program and politics of the Zionist movement in the same way it had done when it was a private publication, despite the co-workers themselves gravitating toward the radical General Zionist wing in the World Zionist organization. On crucial questions about Zionism, the co-workers were free to express their individual opinions, and all wings of the Zionist movement could make their stands known as long as their pronouncements stayed within the frame of the Congress=s decisions. When Jabotinsky attempted to turn Haynt into a tool in his campaign to undermine the World Zionist organization, the cooperative was not swayed, and agreed that it would be better for him to stop writing than to sacrifice the general Zionist character of the newspaper as the recognized advocate of all Zionist groups (See Chapter 20). There was also no change, during the era of Alt-Nay, in the newspaper=s position toward internal Polish politics, and especially toward their eradication policies, and it was for this reason that Haynt was often punished by confiscations and shut down twice.

The tradition of clean hands which was valued at Haynt was


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observed by the cooperative in full measure. External factors did not get access to Chlodna 8 either in Alt-Nay times or in the period of the private publishers; advertisements were examined before they were accepted for printing; during the electoral campaigns, Haynt and Hayntike Nayes printed only the submissions of parties and organizations who were ideologically close to their own. A great many of the election ads were printed on credit, and no small amount of the debts of the Zionist organization remained unpaid. Obviously, this was reflected in the budget. The newspapers donated much space to notices and reports of all kinds of organizations and philanthropic societies, especially in their Friday issues. Such materials were printed without charge and reporters were generally sent to the organizations= meetings.

In general, the relationships at the cooperative were well-disposed. It is, of course, natural that in an enterprise of more than a hundred people with outspoken political persuasions, different cultural levels and length of service, both professional and social, there were individualists with their own sympathies and animosities. Among Haynt=s technical personnel there were many people active in parties of the left, some of them in leadership positions. It took time for the Haynt family, many of them writers and among them political leaders and social activists, to become the Alt-Nay family, to which the co-workers of all three divisions belonged.. A lot of this was due to the members not having any fantasies. They looked at the cooperative with clear eyesight. No one was under the illusion that he owned a personal or private portion of the publication and could throw his weight around or do as he pleased. On the contrary, it became clear that the cooperative was more an internal discipline than an external organizational form: without hierarchies, divisions-of-labor, or specified working-hours. Most important, they realized that without internal peace nothing would be accomplished. And everyone really worked with enthusiasm. Even the ones who were at first principally against changing their status from proletarians and employeesB-and there was no lack of them in all three divisions-Bto Acapitalists@ and Aentrepreneurs,@ albeit in the guise of members of a cooperative, were influenced by the collective spirit and little by little made peace with the new situation.


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Management also fulfilled their professional duties in the editorial office, administration, and printing plant, whenever it was possible to do so without causing harm to the business. A significant factor in the development of the business was the stable nature of the management, which saw very few changes.

The management did not consist of experienced publishers or genuine businessmen. Yacov Lederman was a type-setter, Shloime Tzuker worked in the administration as a traveling inspector of the agents in the province, and Chaim Finkelstein came from his writing desk to the editorial office. The administration did not have a chairman. Chaim Finkelstein was elected secretary and he ran the publication.

After the forced hiatus of six weeks, it was the administration=s responsibility to have to start up a publication that issued two large dailies, both with various issues, and journals in three languages. From the sales income from newspapers and journals, 105 families of the cooperative=s members on site had to make a living, as well as close to a thousand outside agents, many of whom supported themselves solely from distributing Haynt and its issues; and the tens of correspondents and temporary contributors in Poland and abroad, who in the main received income from Haynt only. Moreover, the cooperative had pledged to pay the owners a large sum for the lease of their machines, for their own salaries, rent, electricity, taxes, and the rates to amortize the debts of the publication from the time before the strike. The material damage from the repeated confiscations of Haynt were a permanent expense which ran to several tens of thousands of zlotys a year. As soon as they began to figure out their first budget, the administration had to take this into consideration and include a reserve amount to cover at least part of the deficit. All these expenses significantly reduced the profits that were left in the treasury to pay salaries. It was necessary to find new sources of income, and to find them quickly. The cooperative aspired to publications that required initiative and energy. It was necessary to establish priorities.

The fact that the newspaper had barely lost any readers after the strike was encouraging. Haynt was blessed with the kind of reader that was unique among newspapers, and not just among Jews in Poland. Every day the editors received letters


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expressing readers= comments about articles and news items in the newspaper. Haynt was the address to which readers wrote about their problems, asked for advice, requested that the paper write about their local needs . Hundreds of such letters were received every day from Poland, Europe and Eretz Israel, and from such remote places as the Island of Java.

Haynt did not treat the readers as customers. The writers of the newspaper and their readers were like friends and Jewish comrades, like a large family, bound to each other by feelings of kinship and shared destiny. In PART TWO, the summary of an article by B. Yeushzon on this subject, which he wrote for the Jubilee-Book 1908-1928, 7-8 is included. In both Jubilee books, it was Chaim Finkelstein who dealt with the mutual relationship between the readers and Haynt (pp. 16, 16-17), and the opinions of the readers themselves were prominently expressed in Yosef Huberman=s already cited dedication in the annual of Haynt which he donated to the Sharei Tzion Library in Tel-Aviv.

The unique ties that bound the readers to the newspaper and the newspaper to the readers manifested itself particularly during the long strike. The newspapers they read when their own newspaper did not appear did not satisfy the readers, and all of them returned to Haynt.

In the process of looking for means to broaden the income base, there were suggestions of projects for new newspapers and journals, popular novels, and other mass publications. In the midst of all these projects stood Haynt, loved and cared for like the apple of their eye. The Yiddish press in Poland was already sensing a language assimilation. The young people, who were educated in free State schools where instruction was in Polish (the so-called ASzabasuvkas@)[2], were purposefully pulled away from Yiddishkait, and manifested assimilationist tendencies, at least insofar as speaking and reading Yiddish. Z. Segalovich called them Ashmendrikes@[3] (See Chapter 13).

Haynt endeavored to satisfy a readership of young Jews and citizens. It printed novellas and poems by young Yiddish writers. Much space was given to general news that might interest young Jewish men and women. The newspaper was current, its news was the latest, its articles responsive to immediate events. Its reader had no need to seek news items in the non-Yiddish press.


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At the same time, Hayntike Nayes was reorganized and modernized for the purpose of raising the popular mass-newspaper to the status of a serious afternoon publication, in the hope that the readers of Hayntike Nayes would in time move their allegiance to Haynt. The afternoon paper was looked upon as a kind of insurance for the future. If Haynt should be closed down, perhaps Hayntike Nayes might still be able to appear. As was noted in Chapter 6, this figuring was done without the owners.

Hillel Maimon, the actual editor of Hayntike Nayes was a methodical and painstaking journalist. A dry personality by nature and a dour character, he treated his co-workers harshly. Two of them, Gite Grabie and Mordekhai Grinfeder (1901- ?) demonstrated a talent for writing. They disappeared very early during the first days of the war. Ephraim Shedletzky, at present a contributor to the Yiddish division of Israel-Radio, was also among the young journalists who began their career at Hayntike Nayes.

When the war broke out, Maimon left toward the Eastern borders. He was arrested by the Bolsheviks and sent to Komi, where he died of hunger in 1942 at the age of 57.

Besides Simkha Pietrushka (See Chapter 9), the other writer of leading articles in Hayntike Nayes was Dr. Avrum Glicksman. An all-round educated man, he was versed in literature and philosophy, economic issues and international politics. He also wrote about literature and theater. His one fault was his refusal to be brief. He wanted to fill every article he wrote with all he knew about the subject. Dr. Glicksman complained that what he wrote was too deep, too intellectual for a popular mass-consumption newspaper, that his true place was with Haynt. The management of the cooperative made it possible for him to publish articles in AHAYNT@ once in a while. He perished in Treblinka in 1943 at the age of 60.

Hayntike Nayes usually printed two and sometimes three novels about the Jewish past in Poland or Eastern Europe at the same time; a light romantic novella, and a narrative from Biblical times. One of the authors of these narratives was the novelist Shloyme Rosenberg (1896B1975)[4], Sholem Asch=s secretary. Because of his work with Asch, he settled in Nice, where Asch had a villa, and from there he dispatched the continuations of Sholem Asch=s writings for Haynt and the


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continuation of his own novels to Hayntike Nayes. Rosenberg specialized in novels based on Biblical themes and in stories about the Jewish past in Poland.

B. Kuczer (See Chapters 10 and 11) had a few novels printed in Hayntike Nayes that were exceptional. One of his novels, ADi Tzigaynerin >The Gypsy Girl=,@ was turned into a play and shown with great success in Warsaw and around the provinces.

The main writer of novels at Hayntike Nayes was Yakov-Kopel Dua (1898--1942). He wrote very quickly and profusely, on all subjects. A master of dialogue, he did not hold with long artistic descriptions, did not delve into psychological analyses or tell of the Ainner sorrows@ of his heroes, nor did he disclose to his readers their hidden evil thoughts. He contributed in great measure to the success of Hayntike Nayes.

Dua was a tragic figure. Paralyzed in both legs, he lay in bed mostly and wrote his novels sitting up half-way leaning on pillows. The manuscript would be brought over to the editorial office by his brother, Motl Dua, a clerk in the administration. On the rare days when Dua went outside, he would with great effort drag himself on crutches to Schultz=s Restaurant at the corner of Carmelicka and Nowolipki. This was a tavern where people would drop in for a little Aschnaps@ chased by a piece of herring or a serving of chopped liver. One could have a meal there for very little cost. Over a mug of beer, Dua would debate for hours with young writers and labor activists for whom the tavern was a place of shelter.

Dua suffered from great needs in the Ghetto. The day that he, with much courage, undertook to come out to the street, he was shot by the Germans, not far from the place where, after the war, a monument by the sculptor Natan Rapoport was placed to commemorate the heroes of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising.

Moishe Leizerovich, one of Haynt=s proofreaders (See Chapter 14), interpreted for Hayntike Nayes the weekly portion of the Torah. He had learned from his father, the Brest preacher Reb Leizer, a world of wonders, folk-tales and legends, which he used in his commentaries. He wrote in a popular vein and was widely read.

Hayntike Nayes devoted much space to problems of health and hygiene. Dr. Mordekhai Lensky (1889B1964), who had written for


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Haynt as early as 1918, and Dr. Eliahu-Hirsch Vigdorovich (1881B1942), wrote popular medical columns and answered questions sent in by readers who had not found help from their own doctors. Dr. Lensky survived and after the war immigrated to Israel. Dr. Vigdorovich was mobilized as a medical doctor in the Polish Army. He is believed to have perished in Katyn together with thousands of Polish officers who were interned there.

Haynt and Hayntike Nayes each had two editions: one for the provinces and one for Warsaw. The provincial edition of Haynt was printed in the evening, in time for the trains that carried the newspaper to the readers in the outlying areas, and to Jewish communities abroad. Readers in Warsaw received the paper with the latest news in the morning. It happened more than once that the presses were stopped to insert important news that arrived when the newspaper was already being printed. Hayntike Nayes was an early afternoon paper in Warsaw and a morning newspaper in the provinces.

 The Hebrew weekly Bederekh >On the Way (or Road),= was published for seven years, from 1931 to 1937. During that time, it printed articles, essays, novellas, and poems by Nahum Sokolov, Chaim Nachman Bialik, Yosef Kloyzner, and Yitzhak Katzenelson. Many young Hebrew writers published their early works there. A. L. Yakubovich was the editor of Bederekh and when he immigrated to Eretz Israel, Dr. Azriel Carlebach became the editor of the journal for a brief time. After him, Meir Tchudner (1888B1943) became editor. Bederekh was never expected to make a profit and did not work as a business. The journal did not just fail to cover expenses but needed Alt-Nay to subsidize each issue; yet Bederekh kept coming out to pacify the Hebraists in Poland, who had no other platform. In 1937, the deficit could no longer be sustained and the journal had to cease publication. Tchudner then began to write for Velt-Shpigl >World Mirror.= He perished in the Warsaw Ghetto during the uprising in 1943.

At the end of 1932, the economic conditions of Alt-Nay were consolidated and the newspaper stood on a solid financial basis. For the first time in many years, the budget was balanced and the co-workers received their salaries regularly. Circulation of Haynt and Hayntike Nayes was growing. The other publications, except for Bederekh, brought in significant income;


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and so, despite the harsh repeated persecution by the government, the financial outlook of the cooperative was satisfactory and it was possible to make concrete plans for new publications. It was decided to attempt an experiment with a Polish language issue.

This was not the first time that an attempt had been made by Haynt to reach Polish-speaking Jews. Already on January 10th, 1919, only three months after Poland was resuscitated, a newspaper named Nasz Kurier >Our Courier= was published. The government closed the paper down on January 30th, 1920. A second paper, Nowine Codzienne >Daily News= was shut down on the 24th of November, 1922, after 44 issues. In 1929, Haynt issued a newspaper named Nowy Czas >New Hour (or Time)= which ran for a short while. The final attempt by Haynt to publish a daily Polish paper was made in 1931. The newspaper, which was named Nowe Slowo >New Word,= was the richest in content of all the previous newspapers and ran from January 11th, 1931 to April 14th, 1932.

Alt-Nay=s own experiment to issue a Polish language organ was kept quite modest. It was decided to begin with a weekly rather than a daily paper. The weekly=s first number, named Opinia >Opinion (or View) came out on February 15, 1933. It immediately became popular as a serious political and literary journal. Not only nationalist and Zionist Jews but also the assimilated Jewish intelligentsia, professionals and students sought in it an answer to the difficult problems that faced Polish Jewry. Opinia said in Polish what Haynt spread in the mother tongue. Under the editorship of Dr. Moishe Kleinboym the political line of Opinia, the tone of the articles, the analysis of the situation, the attitude toward Zionist questions, and in general the whole approach of the journal was as goal oriented as that of Haynt. The journal attracted many young journalists and literatti[5], but


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Opinia did not have a long life because of a blow that came from a totally unexpected source.

Opinia printed serially a historical study about Jesus by Dr. Joseph Klausner. This work, which Klausner published in 1922, was translated from the original Hebrew into various languages and was received favorably by Western European critics, although not so in Poland. The Polish clerical circles could not accept Klausner=s appraisal of Jesus and of the Christian religion and conducted a bitter behind-the-scenes campaign against Opinia. Cardinal Alexander Kakovski, in Warsaw, demanded that the journal be shut down, and the government did as he wished.

Opinia was closed down in 1935. According to the constitution, all religions were equal in Poland. But the Catholic religion was first among Aequals.@ The wishes of the cardinal were taken as an order by the government, and all attempts to annul the decree were unsuccessful.

For a time, Alt-Nay published a Polish language weekly named Nowa Palestina which was dedicated solely to questions of Zionism and the building of Eretz Israel. Its first number appeared on the 23rd of April, 1935. The journal did not attract enough readers and had to be dissolved.

In 1937, Alt-Nay created a weekly, Handels-Velt >World of Commerce,= to inform Jewish merchants and tradesmen of the ways they could use to protect in practice their threatened economic positions. The editor of Handels-Velt was Moishe Mark, who wrote financial articles for Haynt (See Chapter 4).

In January of 1938, Alt-Nay began to publish an illustrated weekly under the name Velt-Shpigl. The last number carries the date of August 24th, 1939. The journal had 20 pages and cost 20 groschen. On holiday-eves the price was 32 groschen for 32 pages. A detailed account of the phenomenal success of Velt-Shpigl is found in Chapter 9.


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The success of Velt-Shpigl led to the idea of publishing the same kind of journal in Polish. The management of Alt-Nay contacted the management of the cooperative of the Jewish-Polish newspaper Nasz Przeglad >Our Review= in Warsaw, and they both met at the offices of Nasz Przeglad in June of 1939 to discuss the matter. The representatives of Nasz Przeglad stated that they had nothing against Alt-Nay publishing a journal in the Polish language in the style of Velt-Shpigl, and preparations were made to publish the first number in September of 1939, when students would be returning from their summer vacations.

On the 28th of April, 1939, Alt-Nay announced a new book offer in conjunction with the celebration of Haynt=s 30th anniversary. This was fated to be the publishers= final undertaking. The offer was to be the complete works of Sholem Aleichem and was planned as an inexpensive printing in book-form. According to the agreement with the heirs of Sholem Aleichem, it was projected that the works would be published in 28 volumes, each volume consisting of a number of little books of 64 pages that would sell for just 20 groschen each. The first book was Tevye Der Milkhiker >Tevye the Milkman=; after this came Funem Yarid >From the Fair= in two volumes, and Der Mabul >The Flood.= Of the final volume, Kasrilevke, we managed to issue two little books, Numbers 17 and 18. Needless to say, the project was very successful. In an advertisement printed in Haynt on Friday, September 1, 1939, it was announced that readers could buy the tales bound in one book, for the price of 1 zloty, or in a luxury edition for 1,80 zlotys.

The novels and tales that were printed serially in small books of 24 or 32 pages had an extraordinary success. The books appeared once or twice a week. This undertaking was calculated to appeal to a specific type of reader who was not yet accustomed to buy a newspaper or find enjoyment in a good book. These small books could fit into one=s pockets and this was one of their great practical virtues.

Alt-Nay=s far-reaching retailing system made it possible for people to acquire these books wherever Haynt was sold. Of the various publications of this kind, we will mention just two, which had fantastic runs and whose financial success helped cover the enormous losses that Haynt had suffered on account of the confiscations.

 


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As soon as the cooperative became active after the strike, it began to publish a novel titled Sabina. Its author was Kopel Dua. The books were practically torn from the vendors= hands. The presses ran day and night and didn’t suffice. The novel reached a circulation of almost 100,000 copies per volume and was published twice a week during a period of six months.

A different kind of publication in episodes was a series of detective stories. Their author was Shelomo Ben-Israel (1908 C), now a radio commentator in New York and correspondent for Forverts at the United Nations. During the 1930's he published detective stories in Israel, in Hebrew, which were very successful. Their hero was David Tidhar, a Jewish police officer at the time of the British mandate in Eretz Israel (He died in Tel-Aviv in 1970 at the age of 75).

In 1937, Shelomo Ben-Israel came to Warsaw to visit his uncle, Moishe Leizerovich, a proofreader for Haynt. He told him about his accomplishments with the detective stories and asked his uncle for advice on how he might make them known in Yiddish. Leizerovich had worked closely with Zeev Jabotinsky in the Revisionist Party (See Chapter 14), and when he found an opportunity he asked Jabotinsky=s opinion of Ben-Israel=s creations.

Jabotinsky was sure that the detective stories would be as well received by Yiddish readers in Poland, as they had been in Hebrew in Eretz Israel. In passing, he mentioned to Leizerovich that he himself had believed for quite some time that mystery novels should be introduced into Hebrew literature. When the British imprisoned him in the Acre Fortress in 1920, he found time for literary pursuits.

He had planned to translate Dante=s Divine Comedy into Hebrew, but because of his Zionist activism, he had never had the time to do this, and finally, in the Acre prison, he translated a few stanzas. He also managed to translate American poet and novelist Edgar Allen Poe=s AThe Purloined Letter@ and a number of Sherlock Holmes novels by

Conan Doyle. Jabotinsky predicted that detective stories would appeal to the imagination of young Jews. He actually thought that, in a way, they might fulfill an educational function by sharpening their

 


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readers= faculties of observation and logical thinking, and show them how to find solutions in difficult situations.*

Leizerovich was so influenced by Jabotinsky=s statement that he laid aside all his other work and translated a few of the tales by Ben-Israel. He brought them as samples to the management of Alt-Nay and suggested they be printed in Haynt. Management was not quite ready to do that, they felt that the detective-story genre was not suitable to the character of Haynt and they did not know in general how the Jewish readership would react.

Leizerovich relayed to them his talk with Jabotinsky and asked that the administration should consider the matter. After some deliberation, it was decided that thy would experiment with a few of the stories but that they would not print them in Haynt or in Hayntike Nayes. They would issue them as little books at a very low price.

The stories were advertised by Yatscan=s already proven method, which had succeeded with the sensational novels (See Chapter 1) and was confirmed as an efficient way to attract readers when Alt-Nay began issuing the popular novels in book-form in 1932. Each time, the beginning of a new novel would be printed as an 8-page brochure, with an end note after the last line on the final page reading Acontinued.@ Warsaw and the provinces were flooded with these brochures, which were distributed without charge in the streets. They were also included in Friday=s issue of Haynt and Hayntike Nayes. Their success exceeded all expectations. It was indeed the exotic background and the brave and swift actions of the Jewish detective hero, who was always quicker and more clever than the villains, who was never wrong and never failed, that captured the readers= imagination.

When Shelomo Ben-Israel came to New York, he brought the plots of his stories to America and printed them in Forverts with as much success as he had found in Eretz Israel and in Poland.

 * In the First Volume of his biography of Jabotinsky, mentioned in Chapter 20 (p. 346), J. Schechtman confirms that Jabotinsky was in favor of making detective fiction to young Jewish people.

On May 10, 1937, Alt-Nay opened a subsidiary at Karmelicka 12,


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 in the heart of one of the truly swarming streets of Warsaw=s Jewish neighborhood. Before the war (WW I), Haynt had a subsidiary office in the courtyard of Galevkas 34. Its manager was Wolf (Zeev) Gilmovsky (his son, Nehemiah, was the Director of Landsmanschaft-Organizations for the United Jewish Appeal in New York). When the subsidiary was abolished after WW I, Zeev Gilmovsky immigrated to Eretz Israel in 1932. He died at the age of 83 in 1957.

The subsidiary of Haynt that Alt-Nay opened was situated in the front. The publications of the cooperative were displayed in the shop windows. Inside there were reception areas where subscriptions were accepted for Haynt and the periodical publications of Alt-Nay. The office became very popular in the city. All day people would stand at the windows and read the newspapers and journals.

Alt-Nay had the reputation of a solid enterprise. A number of businessmen from the publishing world came by with proposals for partnerships with the cooperative. Management was careful, however, in its selection of new undertakings.

The cooperative undertook to distribute the Groschen Bibliotek >Penny Library=, which was founded by Moishe Finkelstein, the son of Noah Finkelstein (1903-1943) and Alexander Grinberg (1905 C). The Groschen Bibliotek printed biographies of famous people and monographs about both Jewish and general events. Every week it issued a little book of 64 pages. Its attractive contents, easy language, the inexpensive price of 39 groschen, and its comfortable format made the Groschen Bibliotek popular among the people who saw it as a source of knowledge of politics, political figures, philosophy and philosophers, and current political happenings in the world. The author of most of these writings was Kopel Dua, or also Nachman Mayzel or Bunem Warshawsky (1893-1956). Other writers also contributed to the Groschen Bibliotek.

The Groschen Bibliotek existed until 1935. During this period it

issued 264 little books with a circulation that fluctuated between 4,000 and 20,000 copies per book. Some had four or five editions; others were printed with two or three sequels.

Moishe Finkelstein perished at Buchenwald. Alexander Grinberg, his wife Leonia (she was the last manager of the Warsaw Ghetto pharmacy), and their son Zeev-Tzvi survived. The Grinbergs came to New York in 1946.


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He changed his name to Alexander Donat, and under this name he wrote a book of memoirs in English, about the Warsaw Ghetto and the camps where he and his family were dispatched to by the Germans. He is also the author of a number of articles in English-Jewish journals about the Holocaust and resistance.

At the beginning of 1937, Jacov Brams, a publisher of Yiddish, Russian, and German newspapers in Riga, came to Warsaw. He was about to bring out an illustrated weekly magazine in the style of the large European journals, and came to Warsaw seeking a distributor for his magazine in Poland, where he hoped to find his largest public. He called on Haynt and after some discussions with management, decided to grant Alt-Nay the exclusive rights to sell the magazine in Poland and Eretz Israel. As he told later, he had also carried on discussions with other newspapers in Warsaw, but decided to do business with Alt-Nay.

 Yiddishe Bilder >Jewish Pictures,= as the journal was called, had no parallel among Jewish publications of that time or even of our time. Jacov Brams had the ambition to place Yiddishe Bilder on the highest rung and make of it a luxury publication. The journal was printed on fine light-colored paper. The pictures were large and clear. Each number was rich in artistic illustrations  and mirrored Jewish life throughout the world. In the literature section, there were novels and narratives by modern Jewish writers; much space was allotted to entertainments such as charades, rebuses, and riddles. The section of humor and witticisms was written by I. S. Goldshtain. Jacov Brams demonstrated a great deal of initiative and editorial ideas and invested large sums of money with a generous hand to make the journal attractive. But its price of 50 groschen was too high for a Jewish weekly. No other journal intended for mass circulation was that costly, and Yiddishe Bilder did not sell enough numbers. The publisher tried by various means to increase circulation: the text under the pictures was in four languages: Yiddish, Hebrew, Polish, and German; he instituted picture contests with prizes (in the first of these there were 6,000 participants); he started a course in the English language on January 1st, 1939; he expanded the section on Eretz Israel. But none


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of these had much effect. Half a zloty for an issue was too expensive. Jacov Brams did not lose courage or waiver in his faith that one day the journal would find enough readers to ensure its existence. In the meantime he continued to pour money into it. When the management of Alt-Nay decided in 1938 to issue Velt-Shpigl, it gave early notice to Brams and asked him if he would be against it. He replied that he had nothing against the project, and did not envision that the new journal could compete with Yiddishe Bilder.

Yiddishe Bilder ran from the 28th of May, 1937 to the 27th of September, 1939. In the final number there is a notice that since the journal cannot reach its readers (Warsaw capitulated the following morning, September 28th), it would cease publication Atemporarily@ until Apeace returns to the world.@ Brams came to America in October 1939, bringing with him the rich archive of illustrations and plates from Yiddishe Bilder. He had plans to publish that kind of journal in English, but he did not succeed in doing so.

The dynamic activities of Alt-Nay had necessitated the modernization and expansion of the printing plant. The cooperative had six typesetting machines on lease from the owners, but they were old and worn. The font for headlines and advertisements, which was still used in Poland, was also becoming obsolete. The cooperative bought, on its own account, a modern American linotype and a manual typesetter. The press by itself cost some tens of thousands of zlotys. The decision had been made to modernize the whole printing plant, which was to take place by degrees over a number of years at the cost of hundreds of thousands of zlotys. The cooperative was able to make such far reaching investment plans, thanks to the satisfactory financial situation of the publishing house. Despite the generally difficult economic state of the country, especially for Jews, despite the persecution of Haynt, the amount of business transacted by Alt-Nay before the war came to more than 4 million zlotys per year. Not very many enterprises in Poland, whether Jewish or not, and in particular newspaper publishers, could reach such working capital and moreover, in cash. A significant amount of income came from subscribers abroad, from countries with a large Jewish population, such as Romania, and from Western Europe, where Jewish immigrants from Poland had settled. Haynt and the other publications of Alt-Nay found also in Eretz Israel a very important market outlet.


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In Romania, the representative of Alt-Nay was the well-known newspaper agency M. Abraham, in Bucharest. The circulation in Romania grew considerably when the Romanian government closed down all the local Jewish Press in the second half of the 1930's, and at the same time forbade the importation of newspapers from abroad. The only exceptions were the publications of Alt-Nay and no one knew the reason for this, but Haynt, Hayntike Nayes, and Velt-Shpigl were the only Yiddish publications that the Romanian government tolerated for quite some time. Finally, Haynt=s turn came also. One day in 1938, M. Abraham telephoned from Bucharest that the government had forbidden the further distribution of Haynt and the other publications of Alt-Nay. He suggested that a representative from the publishing company should travel to Romania to appeal to the Romanian government.

At that time, the income from Romania constituted about 10% of the budget, and something had to be done urgently to protect that important position. After deliberating, it was decided that Chaim Finkelstein should travel to Bucharest. With the help of H. Blum, a collaborator of M. Abraham, Finkelstein hired an attorney, a former government minister; and as it was the custom at that time in Romania, the appeal began with gifts to various officials: an expensive cigarette lighter to one, a gold fountain pen to another; a third one received cognac, and even the secretaries were showered with chocolates, flowers, perfume, etc. But none of it helped. Neither the censors nor any other departments of the government contacted by the attorney wished to even speak about the matter. Not until some days after our Aintervention@ or appeal, did we find out what the matter was all about. The offense turned out to be that Haynt and Hayntike Nayes had printed revelations about the romance between the Romanian king Carol II and Madam Lupescu.

In the years between the wars, the world press had printed many stories about the Romanian king and his Jewish mistress Magda Lupescu. She was made out to be the daughter of a poor Jew from Iasi, Wulf, who Romanianized his name to Lupescu. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Bucharest asked the Romanian ambassadors to intervene with the respective governments, to use their influence to stop the


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compromising sensationalist gossip, and the Polish ambassador in Bucharest even demanded that the Warsaw government prohibit the Polish press from mentioning the subject of the king entirely. The

Jew-hating Iron Guard, who wished to dethrone the king and set up a Nazi regime in Romania, used the king=s romance for its own ends. The AJewish Lupescu@ was blamed for inveigling the king in her net and lording it over the innocent Romanian people. There were stormy demonstrations and Jews were beaten and robbed. In Bucharest, the police and the military could not find a way to calm the increasingly violent demonstrations, and the king saw that his rule was coming to an end. He abdicated to save his life and together with Madam Lupescu, he left in haste and secretly in 1940, taking abroad a large fortune in cash, objects d=art and paintings from the Royal Palace at Sinaia.

The truth came out a short time later. Madam Lupescu was not a Jewish daughter. There was even a conjecture that she was the illegitimate daughter of the first King Carol, an uncle of Carol II. Her name was not Magda but Magdalena and she had divorced her husband, an officer in the Romanian army, because of her affair with the king. And she was not his mistress but his morganatic wife, whom he could not marry officially because she was not of royal descent. They lived in exile in various European and South American countries and eventually settled in Portugal, where they finally married in 1947. Carol died in Estoril, a resort in Portugal where they lived in a palace, in 1957. She died in 1977 at the age of 81.

But let us return to our own topic. The Romanian political police, the ignominious Siguranza, reacted to Finkelstein=s efforts in its own way. It gave notice to the Haynt representative that if he did not leave Romania within 24 hours, he would be detained at the border. However, before he left and through the mediation of the attorney, he worked out that a newspaper with a different name, not Haynt, would be allowed into Romania. It seems that the Agifts@ were not in vain. From that time, a newspaper by the name of Der Tog >The Day= was sent to Romania. The difference between Haynt and Der Tog was that whenever Haynt printed an item about Madam Lupescu, Der Tog carried a different item in its place.


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Haynt organized various tours to Eretz Israel. The first of these was in 1911, when the newspaper=s circulation reached 100,000 copies. The group of lucky winners was accompanied by S. Y. Yatskan, Dovid Freshman, H. D. Number, and Arum Goldberg. They all wrote their impressions of the trip. A year later, a second free tour was organized as a Atoken of thanks to the public who shows ever increasing sympathy for Haynt, and to honor the day on the eve of the previous Passover, when Haynt reached the number of 100,000 copies,@ as was noted in No. 77 of April 1st, 1912. The trip took six weeks and this time the lucky winners were accompanied by S. Y. Yatskan, A. Goldberg, and H. D. Nomberg. Both tours were free to the participants. At the reception that took place in the editorial offices on April 18th, 1912, on the day the second group was to depart, Yatskan commented, according to a report printed the following morning, that Athe trips to Eretz Israel are not a happy business, as some had thought.@ The expenses came to 300 rubles per person, so that both trips, with about 30 travelers, had cost Haynt more than 10,000 rubles.

The two journeys to Eretz Israel in 1932 were of an entirely different character. The first one was organized by the owners of Haynt before the strike broke out, and the second was organized by the management of Alt-Nay. Both trips were advertised as tourist excursions, the first to the Maccabiad in Tel-Aviv, and the second as an inexpensive vacation trip for Haynt readers. In fact, both trips were masked immigrant-smuggling attempts within the framework of Alyah Beth.

The second trip was not easy to organize. When Alt-Nay contacted the English consul in Warsaw, he refused to grant visas. It was difficult for him as hundreds of young people had suddenly traveled as tourists to Eretz Israel, and he did not believe, he said, that they would come back; and the proof was that so many tourists from the first trip had remained unaccounted for, and he suspected that they had stayed in Eretz Israel. The Palestine office in Warsaw, and the steamship company that was to take the Haynt tourists to Eretz Israel,


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intervened with the consul, but to no avail. It looked as if the undertaking would have to be abandoned, but a short time later, the consul came up with an idea. He had, he said, found a way to make sure that the tourist